scholarly journals Autobiografia jako narzędzie badań historyka idei. Casus „Wspomnień niezależnego” Richarda Pipesa

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-72
Author(s):  
Anna Citkowska-Kimla
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Samuel Taylor Coleridge ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Thomas Carlyle ◽  
Johann Gottfried Herder ◽  
Wilhelm Dilthey ◽  
Georg Misch ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Or History

The aim of the article is to develop a research tool for a historian of ideas in the form of an autobiography. It is about framing when a personal document meets the criteria of being a tool for a historian of political thought. The conclusions included the thought that the memories must be meta-considerations on the subject of written autobiography or an analysis of the problem of auto-biography within the framework of the created philosophy or history vision. Examples representing this narrative type were left by, among others, Johann Gottfried Herder, Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Thomas Carlyle, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Friedrich Nietzsche, Benedetto Croce, Robin G. Collingwood, and in Poland Stanisław Brzozowski. The volume of Richard Pipes’ memoirs, Memoirs of a Non-belonger, which is the foundation for the analysis, has also become part of the trend. The most important thinkers who have studied the issue of autobiography in depth include Wilhelm Dilthey and Georg Misch. The conclusions of the analysis are as follows: autobiography has a philosophical and epistemological meaning in the field of knowledge about human nature. In this sense, autobiography becomes part of anthropology, while anthropology is the foundation for the history of ideas, including political thought.

Roger Boesche: The Strange Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville

1988 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 419-422
Author(s):  
James Schleifer
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Alexis De Tocqueville ◽  
History Of Political Thought ◽  
History Of

Roger Boesche, Chair of the Department of Political Science at Occidental College in Los Angeles, lias already written several thoughtful articles about Tocqueville, each marked by clarity of thought and expression: ’The Prison: Tocqueville’s Model for Despotism,” Western Political Quarterly 33 (December 1980):550-63; “The Strange Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville,” History of Political Thought 2 (Winter 1981): 495-524; “Why Could Tocqueville Predict So Well?” Political Theory 11 (February 1983): 79-104; “Tocqueville and Le Commerce’. A Newspaper Expressing His Unusual Liberalism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 44 (April-June 1983): 277-92; and “Hedonism and Nihilism: The Predictions of Tocqueville and Nietzsche,” The Tocqueville Review 8 (1986/87): 165-84.

scholarly journals «Мертвые Цари всегда должны по смерти своей быть судимы»: Посмертная судьба одного древнеегипетского обычая в русской и европейской словесности XVI – XIX вв. [“Dead Kings Must Always be Judged after Their Demise”: The Afterlife of an Ancient Egyptian Custom in the Russian and European Literature of the 16th to 19th Centuries]

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 9-47
Author(s):  
Maria Neklyudova
Keyword(s):  
Literary Criticism ◽  
French Literature ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Ancient Egyptian ◽  
Diodorus Siculus ◽  
History Of ◽  
Generous Support ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right

In his Bibliotheca historica, Diodorus Siculus described a peculiar Egyptian custom of judging all the dead (including the pharaohs) before their burial. The Greek historian saw it as a guarantee of Egypt’s prosperity, since the fear of being deprived of the right to burial served as a moral imperative. This story of an Egyptian custom fascinated the early modern authors, from lawyers to novelists, who often retold it in their own manner. Their interpretations varied depending on the political context: from the traditional “lesson to sovereigns” to a reassessment of the role of the subject and the duties of the orator. This article traces several intellectual trajectories that show the use and misuse of this Egyptian custom from Montaigne to Bossuet and then to Rousseau—and finally its adaptation by Pushkin and Vyazemsky, who most likely became acquainted with it through the mediation of French literature. The article was written in the framework (and with the generous support) of the RANEPA (ШАГИ РАНХиГС) state assignment research program. KEYWORDS: 16th to 19th-Century European and Russian Literature, Diodorus Siculus (1st century BC), Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712—1778), Alexander Pushkin (1799—1837), Prince Pyotr Vyazemsky (1792—1878), Egyptian Сourt, Locus communis, Political Rhetoric, Literary Criticism, Pantheonization, History of Ideas.

L. A. Hill’s ‘neutral English’—a historical counterpoint to ELF

ELT Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J Lowe ◽  
Richard Smith
Keyword(s):  
Contextual Factors ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Modern Theory ◽  
Theoretical Discussion ◽  
Lingua Franca ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Radical Ideas ◽  
International English

Abstract The concept of English as a lingua franca (ELF) is the subject of much theoretical discussion and debate within ELT. However, little has been written concerning the history of ideas preceding it. This article discusses the concept of ‘neutral English’ proposed in 1967 by the writer L. A. Hill. After summarizing Hill’s life and work, the article explores his idea for neutral English, noting its apparent similarities to modern ELF theory as well as the historical and contextual factors that distinguish it. Using Hill’s work and stated motivations as a lens through which to view modern theory, the article highlights the possibility that apparently radical ideas can be co-opted to ‘centre’ interests in modern global ELT. Finally, it is proposed that more work into the history of conceptualizations of international English use would shed further light on the academic and political forces which intersect with this area of research.

Technology and American Political Thought: The Hidden Variable and the Coming Crisis

1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ferkiss
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Important Variable ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Personal Interest ◽  
American Political Thought ◽  
Hidden Variable ◽  
History Of ◽  
Distribution Of Powers ◽  
Coming Crisis

Technology does not, at first glance, appear to have been a subject of importance in American political thought. One can peruse the writings of American political thinkers — from lofty philosophers to campaign agitators — and find few references to technology as such, even in the contemporary period. Political writings concentrate on other, apparently more “political” topics — liberty, equality, and justice, states' rights, civil liberties, and the distribution of powers. To argue that technology constitutes a hidden but centrally important variable in American political thought might seem to many to be elevating an esoteric personal interest into a central concern, to be rewriting the history of ideas in order to provide a track on which one's own personal hobbyhorse can be ridden.

The Contribution of Medieval Thought to the American Political Tradition

1956 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewart Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Natural Rights ◽  
The Body ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Full Understanding ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
History Of ◽  
American Thought

That there was a continuity between medieval political thought and the body of systematic theory that surrounded the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution is by now a commonplace. But when we speak of the medieval contribution to the American political tradition, it is important to avoid the implication that what medieval thought contributed was identical with what American thought received. Between the close of the fifteenth century and the latter part of the eighteenth lie some two and a half centuries of crowded thought and experience, which more or less profoundly changed the meaning of concepts continuously in use. The more we learn of medieval theory, the clearer it becomes that it must be interpreted in its own terms rather than in terms of its derivatives. And the American political tradition, of course, cannot be fully understood in terms of its historic roots. Perhaps the chief service which the history of ideas can offer to political theory lies in providing material for the sharpening of concepts through a comparative analysis. For the full understanding of the meaning of an idea, one needs to know not only what it is, but also, I suggest, what it is not. Thus there may be value in an attempt to define the medieval meaning of some concepts that were a significant part of the medieval contribution: in particular, sovereignty, natural law and natural rights, and consent.

scholarly journals DEFOE, DISSENT, AND EARLY WHIG IDEOLOGY

2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 595-614
Author(s):  
K. R. P. CLARK
Keyword(s):  
Natural Law ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Daniel Defoe ◽  
History Of Political Thought ◽  
Religious Difference ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Revolution

ABSTRACTThe nature of Whig ideology at its formation in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries continues to attract the attention of historians of political thought. This article contends that prevalent understandings of the taxonomy of the subject nevertheless still often remain secular, and do not fully attend to the religious constituencies of the authors involved. One key author was Daniel Defoe, who was credited with several anonymous pamphlets published after the Revolution of 1688. The effect of these attributions is to reinforce a homogenized picture of early Whig political ideology that fails to identify differences between authors who used similar terms such as ‘contract’, ‘resistance’, and ‘natural law’. This article de-attributes certain of these pamphlets, outlines the consequences for the history of political thought of that de-attribution, re-establishes Defoe's own political identity, and proposes that such a taxonomy should give more attention to religious difference.

scholarly journals Análisis del discurso y ensayo literario: El sujeto enunciador en El laberinto de la soledad

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 89-101
Author(s):  
Karina Alanís Flores
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

In this paper we use the discourse analysis as theoretical framework to discuss the renowned Octavio Paz’s essay, The labyrinth of solitude. Although there are many studies that have been made about this theme which are mainly based on the history of ideas and the philosophy of the culture, in this case we propose a different perspective which focuses on the linguistic features that are used to construct the subject of enunciation in the literary essay. We consider Émile Benveniste’s concepts of his theory of enunciative operations in order to reveal the different positions that the author takes in the text, as well as how he constructs his reader.

Autonomy, Integrity, and Values in Public Administration: A Dilemma and a Case

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Seibel
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Public Values ◽  
Bureaucratic Autonomy ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
Institutional Integrity ◽  
Classic Problem ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

Abstract This article addresses a classic problem of public administration, which is the quest for institutional integrity in the presence of bureaucratic autonomy. It does so in combination with a history of ideas account of the subject with a case study of derailed autonomy at the expense of institutional integrity It does so in combination with a history of ideas account of the subject with a case study of derailed autonomy at the expense of institutional integrity with particularly serious consequences in the form of human casualties. Referring to literature on public values and moral hazard under the condition of bureaucratic discretion, the article argues that harmonizing bureaucratic autonomy and institutional integrity requires commitment to public values that prioritize the protection of basic individual rights over temptations of pragmatic decision making. It is, therefore, a plea for linking traditional lines of thoughts on public administration with a more fine-grained assessment of the ambivalence of governmental agencies as both guardians of, and a menace to, rule-of-law-based protection of civic values.

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