scholarly journals From Global to Grassroots: The European Union, Transnational Advocacy, and Combating Violence Against Women

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-430
Author(s):  
K. Espósito
2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-183
Author(s):  
Mary Hawkesworth

Celeste Montoya’s Global to Grassroots: The European Union, Transnational Advocacy, and Combating Violence Against Women addresses a pressing problem—violence against women—by bringing a transnational perspective to EU politics. We have thus decided to seek comments on the book from an Eastern European feminist scholar (Oana Băluţă) and a U.S. feminist scholar (Mary Hawkesworth). —Jeffrey C. Isaac


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 426-430
Author(s):  
Katiuscia M. G. Espósito

Resenha de:MONTOYA, Celeste, From global to grassroots: The European Union, transnational advocacy, and combating violence against women (2013, ainda não publicado no Brasil ou em português).


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Martín-Fernández ◽  
Enrique Gracia ◽  
Marisol Lila

Abstract Background Intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) is a worldwide public health problem. One of the most frequent forms of this type of violence in western societies is psychological IPVAW. According to the European Union (EU) Fundamental Rights Association (FRA) the prevalence of psychological IPVAW in the EU is 43%. However, the measurement invariance of the measure addressing psychological IPVAW in this survey has not yet been assessed. Methods The aim of this study is to ensure the cross-national comparability of this measure, by evaluating its measurement invariance across the 28 EU countries in a sample of 37,724 women, and to examine how the levels of this type of violence are distributed across the EU. Results Our results showed that the psychological IPVAW measure presented adequate psychometric properties (reliability and validity) in all countries. A latent structure of one factor was supported and scalar invariance was established in all countries. The average levels of psychological IPVAW were higher in countries like Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, and Sweden compared to the rest of the EU countries. In many of the other countries the levels of this type of violence overlapped. Conclusion Our findings underlined the importance of using appropriate statistical methods to make valid cross-national comparisons in large population surveys.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052095839
Author(s):  
María José González Moreno ◽  
Juan Sebastián Fernández Prados ◽  
Cristina Cuenca-Piqueras

This work is based on the inequality that women suffer in public spaces, with fear being a constant in their lives. Women must learn to live to accept a limited and constrained existence. Based on this approach, this research establishes a European description and comparison of the insecurities, fears, or concerns expressed by women facing the risk of aggression/harassment, and the prevalence of sexual harassment in public spaces. For this, we used the Survey on Violence Against Women in the European Union (EU; 2012). In the fieldwork, we performed a factorial analysis, as well as a logistic regression analysis between the sociodemographic variables (age, educational level, income, and habitat) and prevalence of physical or virtual sexual harassment. In general, while European women report that they have suffered harassment to a considerable extent, there are even greater concerns or fear of abuse or aggression in public spaces. A fundamental fact is that there is a significant correlation between the prevalence of harassment and per capita income, such that those countries with the highest economic development show a higher incidence of harassment towards women. Similarly, European countries with higher standards of equality show a greater incidence and prevention against the risk of harassment or aggression, particularly among young women. Some results suggest that more than half of Europeans avoid certain spaces or places for fear of being attacked. The main European powers, which have higher standards of equality, report the most harmful instances of behavior against women in public spaces in relation to harassment or fear. The results obtained prompt the conclusion that socialization towards European women is both victimizing and discriminatory.


2022 ◽  
pp. 95-113
Author(s):  
Seven Erdoğan

With the advances in technology, the online aspects of life have been enhanced significantly in the digital age. Online opportunities have equipped people with many new opportunities, but they have also brought about many new challenges difficult to overcome, especially with the emergence of online versions of the widespread offline problems. This chapter elaborates on the online violence against women as one of the challenges of the digital world. In this scope, online violence against women is examined both as a concept and as a phenomenon. In addition, the European Union is covered in the study as an actor coping with the violence against women with all of its versions with a special emphasis over the online forms getting more common. The study argues that as the level of digitalization increases, it will be more likely to meet with the unwanted consequences of the advanced technologies, like the online violence against women.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135050682199461
Author(s):  
Lucrecia Rubio Grundell

The aim of this article is to offer a comprehensive analysis of the European Union’s neo-abolitionist approach to prostitution, drawing on the literature that addresses the global rise of neo-abolitionism and using key concepts developed by the gendered approaches to the European Union in order to adapt them to the particular context of the European Union. To do so, the article undertakes a critical frame analysis of the European Union’s violence against women policies, as it is in such policies that prostitution has been most thoroughly addressed, in combination with an analysis of the nature and evolution of the European Union’s gender equality policies more broadly. The article contends that the emergence of prostitution on the gender equality agenda of the European Union and the adoption of an explicit neo-abolitionist approach by the European Parliament can be explained by the coalescence, in the mid 1990s, of three key factors: Sweden’s accession to the European Union and the consequent positioning of Swedish femocrats, keen on exporting Sweden’s neo-abolitionist agenda to the European Union, in central positions of power within European Union institutions; the crystallisation of a robust neo-abolitionist velvet triangle through the creation of strong institutional links between the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Women’s Lobby, which remained unchallenged; and the gradual development of a hybrid model of gender equality in the European Union which resonates with neo-abolitionist ideals at the same time as neo-abolitionism itself was increasingly associated to gender equality as a fundamental European Union value.


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