Shia Factor in Current Policies of Islamic Republic of Iran

Author(s):  
V. Kurshakov

Special emphasis in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) is laid on the Shia factor. Its role increased significantly after the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq was overthrown in 2003, and also as a result of both strengthening of Shiite radical organizations (“Hezbollah”), and a common rise of Shiite Muslims' civil consciousness in the Middle East during that period. As the biggest Shia country in the world, Iran lends support to groups of its adherents in the Persian Gulf region. Without its contribution, the post-war settlement process in Iraq may become much more complicated. Besides, Iran is bound by long-lasting cooperation ties with Bashar al-Assad Alawite regime in Syria. The whole range of issues is the focus of the author's attention in the article.

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Faisal M. Al- Shogairat ◽  
Vladimir Yurtaev

Islamic republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified as two effective countries in sub-region of the Persian Gulf, that the radius of their influence covers whole great region of the Middle East. The relationship between the two countries have been full of tension during last decade, and during this period changes of political authorities of these countries were not able to improve this relationship. The cause is the resources of foreign policy behavior of the two countries, historical backgrounds of each country, as well as conflict of interest of each in the region of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. The most competition atmosphere between the two countries is inside the three climacteric countries of Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Accordingly, the prospect of bilateral relations is a consequence of their behaviors in the region and also their dealings with these three countries. Three scenarios presented regarding the two countries' foreign policy in the region can be discussed: efforts to establish governments, attempts to maintain political structures of collapsing countries, and finally, continuation of current trends that may lead to disintegration of these climacteric countries. By studying these scenarios and drivers, blockers and their wild cards, this paper considers the second scenario best for both countries, which is consistent with their national interests, and with the region’s history and general situation.


2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (10) ◽  
pp. 10-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Majid Sadeghi ◽  
Gholamreza Mirsepassi

The Islamic Republic of Iran is located in the Middle East between the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf. Iran's total land area is 1 648 000 km2. Its total population in 2003 was about 68 920 000 (UNICEF, 2003). The population growth rate is 1.41%. Of the total population, 60.4% live in urban and 39.6% in rural areas (Yasamy et al, 2001).


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Ansar Amini ◽  
Mehdi Akbarsefat

Development of information technology and internet today has given the concept of diplomacy a meaning broader than the past. Modern diplomacy is a mixture which has gained a specific position among academic topics. It is worth noting that the modern diplomacy was resulted from the world's changes after the World War II, where governments could no longer be the only players in the international system. The concept of modern diplomacy makes sense in relatively different ways; general diplomacy, real-time diplomacy,Nich diplomacy, etc. But our main focus in the paper is placed on the Jazeera's role in Middle East's evolutions over the recent decades. As a grand manifestation of modern diplomacy in the Middle East during the past decades, Al Jazeera is sometimes considered to be Qatar's foreign policy benchmarks (index), as it has had an effective role in events related to the country's diplomacy from the time it was established. We assume Qatar's political bargaining power in the international system, especially in the Persian Gulf region, as having enhanced over the recent years. In the present paper, therefore, the authors are about to address questions as to how Qatar's modern diplomacy has made it an active country in the Persian Gulf and in the Middle East region as well, and to what extent Al Jazeera's role is deemed to be serious in the recent changes happened in the Middle east. The present research's assumption emphasizes the role of establishment of Al Jazeera Media Channel as a diplomacy-enabling tool after changes were made in Qatar's government structure, a role which obviously affects the Middle East's recent evolutions (Movements and revolutions in Arabian Countries). Analytic-descriptive approach has been used in the present paper.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-437
Author(s):  
Marc Owen Jones

Many of the studies of disinformation tend to reflect transatlantic security concerns, and focus on the activities of Russia and China. There is notably less analysis of disinformation in the Arabic-speaking world and wider MENA region. This article analyses a number of MENA-based COVID-19 disinformation campaigns from 2020, highlighting how COVID-19 disinformation has been instrumentalised by regional actors to attack rivals or bolster the legitimacy of their own regimes. It highlights in particular how certain ‘superspreaders’ of disinformation tend to promote Saudi, Emirate and right wing US foreign policy in the Middle East.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-103
Author(s):  
Munawar Hussain Panhwar ◽  
Ronaque Ali Behan

The Islamic Revolution, as one of the greatest political developments in thetwentieth century - caused a radical change in the Iranian political system.Consequently, it has posed a tough challenge for the American politics inprotecting its significant interests in the region. Since then, the US hasemployed multiple methods to contain the growing influence of Iran which hasleft the tremendous impact on its interests in the region. Similar, approacheshave been used against many other countries of the world where the Americaninterests have been affected. Thus, understanding the US tools and strategiesused against the Islamic Republic of Iran would help independent countriesbetter to confront with the similar problems. This research tries to respondthis question that what were the US strategies to control and contain theIslamic Republic in the last four decades? Mearsheimer's offensive realismhas been used to answer that question. The offensive realist approach hasbeen extensively discussed to find out the similar patterns in the US strategytowards Iran. The results of this article clearly point to the several USstrategies to control the power and maintain an influence of the IslamicRepublic of Iran in the Middle East which has posed the potential challengesto the American interests in the said region.


2018 ◽  
pp. 33-56
Author(s):  
Mehran Kamrava

The Persian Gulf’s security architecture is inherently unstable and insecure due to four primary reasons. First, America’s heavy-handed presence in and “footprints” across the region are a source of chronic tension and resentment by both state and non-state actors throughout the region. Second, state actors feel vulnerable to external threats and therefore foster highly securitized national and regional environments. Third, this insecurity is reinforced by the rise of identity politics across national boundaries. Identity politics has always had a measure of salience across the Middle East in general and the Persian Gulf region in particular. This appeal would most likely not have been as powerful had it not been for the widespread inattention of state actors to elements of human security—the fourth reason for the instability of the prevailing security architecture.


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