Botswana’s Dominant Party System: Determinants in the Decision to Vote for the Ruling Party

The United Nations (UN) introduced multiparty elections to Cambodia in 1993 in the hope of bringing about democracy in that country. Ironically, the two-and-a-half decades of uninterrupted elections have led to an ever-more authoritarian government under Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Cambodian People's Party (CPP). Authoritarianism under the single-dominant party system began in 1997, but has intensified since 2017 with the ban on the leading opposition party. While concurring that repetitive elections have consolidated authoritarianism, this paper argues that elections are not merely tools that authoritarian leaders deploy to hold on to power. Elections are arguably mechanisms that have compelled the CPP to offer several extraordinary economic concessions since 2013; this is the first argument of the paper. The developments have created a win-win scenario for the rulers and the ruled—the authoritarian leaders prolong their rule, and the masses have more disposable income, among various benefits. The second argument is that such policy concessions are made only when the ruling party senses critical challenges from the opposition and voters. This paper contributes to the literature arguing that multiparty elections in electoral authoritarian regimes extract economic policy concessions.

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Educative Interventions to Combat Misinformation: Evidence from a Field Experiment in India

American Political Science Review ◽

10.1017/s0003055421000459 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 1-17

Author(s):

SUMITRA BADRINATHAN

Keyword(s):

Field Experiment ◽

Media Literacy ◽

Party System ◽

The United States ◽

Democratic Governance ◽

Literacy Intervention ◽

Pedagogical Intervention ◽

Learning Module ◽

Low Education ◽

Ruling Party

Misinformation makes democratic governance harder, especially in developing countries. Despite its real-world import, little is known about how to combat misinformation outside of the United States, particularly in places with low education, accelerating Internet access, and encrypted information sharing. This study uses a field experiment in India to test the efficacy of a pedagogical intervention on respondents’ ability to identify misinformation during the 2019 elections (N = 1,224). Treated respondents received hour-long in-person media literacy training in which enumerators discussed inoculation strategies, corrections, and the importance of verifying misinformation, all in a coherent learning module. Receiving this hour-long media literacy intervention did not significantly increase respondents’ ability to identify misinformation on average. However, treated respondents who support the ruling party became significantly less able to identify pro-attitudinal stories. These findings point to the resilience of misinformation in India and the presence of motivated reasoning in a traditionally nonideological party system.

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Opposition Growth in Dominant Party Systems: Coalitions in South Africa

Government and Opposition ◽

10.1017/gov.2013.31 ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 49 (2) ◽

pp. 290-312 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Danielle Langfield

Keyword(s):

South Africa ◽

Party System ◽

Cape Town ◽

Party Systems ◽

Western Cape ◽

Western Cape Province ◽

Dominant Party ◽

Party Strategies ◽

Party Elites ◽

Dominant Parties

What is responsible for the decline of democratically dominant parties and the corresponding growth of competitive party systems? This article argues that, despite a ruling party's dominance, opposition forces can gain by winning important subnational offices and then creating a governance record that they can use to win new supporters. It focuses on South Africa as a paradigmatic dominant party system, tracing the increased competitiveness of elections in Cape Town and the surrounding Western Cape province between 1999 and 2010. These events show how party strategies may evolve, reflecting how party elites can learn from forming coalitions.

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Regime Types or Party Systems: What Matters More For Political Instability In The Developing World?

Issues in Social Science ◽

10.5296/iss.v3i2.7743 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 3 (2) ◽

pp. 28

Author(s):

M. Moniruzzaman

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

Party System ◽

Developing World ◽

Political Instability ◽

Political Stability ◽

Party Systems ◽

Dominant Party ◽

Regime Types ◽

What Matters

<p>Political stability is desired by every state. But is it contingent upon regime types or party systems? Existing studies on political stability suggest that regimes such as authoritarianism, democracy, and dictatorship and their variants have variously influenced political stability. Some have proved to be friendly with political stability in certain countries, while counterproductive for some other. However, the existing literature has exclusively focused on regime types alone neglecting the factor of party systems. This article argues that not only regime types but party systems also influence political stability. Based on data from Asia, Africa and Latin America this article examines the following four assumptions. Firstly, absolute monarchy and absolute authoritarianism together with no or one party system generally maintain political stability. Secondly, constitutional monarchies together with multiparty system generally maintain political stability. Thirdly, presidentialism together with dominant party system generally maintains political stability. And finally, parliamentarianism together with multi-party system is generally negatively related with political stability.</p>

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Cleavages and Government in Slovenia and Montenegro

Politics in Central Europe ◽

10.2478/pce-2020-0027 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 16 (3) ◽

pp. 593-621

Author(s):

Alenka Krašovec ◽

Nemanja Batrićević

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Democratic Transition ◽

Party System ◽

Institutional Setting ◽

International Organisations ◽

Multiparty Systems ◽

Cleavage Structure ◽

System Characteristics ◽

Ruling Party

AbstractIn this article we identify the factors that contribute to the formation and especially the durability/stability of governments in both Slovenia and Montenegro after they formally introduced multiparty systems and following their democratic transition, with a focus on the effect of cleavages and party system characteristics generally. Although these two polities share several important similarities (small size, common institutional setting during Yugoslav era, aspirations for membership in international organisations etc.), the nature of governments’ durability/stability in the democratic era entails distinct differences. While Montenegro stands out in post-socialist Europe as the only case where the ruling party has not been overthrown, Slovenia has been led by many governments composed of different political parties. While it seems that in neither country are the ideological characteristics of the governments able to explain their duration/stability to any important extent, it is obvious that the cleavage structure in the two countries has varied, as has the importance of particular cleavages.

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Neopatrimonialism and Party Clientelism

TRANSACTIONS OF TELAVI STATE UNIVERSITY ◽

10.52340/tuw.2021.457 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Teimuraz Kareli

Keyword(s):

Social Groups ◽

Electoral System ◽

Party Systems ◽

Political Systems ◽

Dominant Party ◽

The Government ◽

Basic Features ◽

The Right ◽

Party Dominance ◽

Ruling Party

The article deals with the features of formation of the party systems in the post-Soviet space. To understand the specific processes, the attention is focused on the inverse logic of the post-Soviet states, the basic features of which can be expressed by the concept of neopatrimonialism. In this context the functioning features of political parties, their principal tasks and the logic of creating the "power party" are described. The article examines the key criteria for the concept of the dominant party, such as its ability to consistently and steadily win the elections, the significant duration of its stay in power, as well as its personnel Control over the government. In the sociopolitical discourse the "power party" enjoys a privileged ideological position and has more opportunities compared to its competitors to appeal to voters. Along with that the party dominance reveals itself not only in its external manifestation (the stay in power), but also in the substantial one – the ability to exercise an effective political choice. The article analyzes the factors of sustainability of the "power party" systems: the historical merits of the "power party"; the ruling party’s ability to effectively take advantage of the electoral system; its strong relationships with the most affluent social groups and major corporations, as well as with the predominant ethnic or linguistic social groups; a privileged access of the ruling party to media resources. These factors are also effective in the polycentric political systems without any dominant party. However, under the dominant party systems they manifest themselves in a complex way, providing the ruling camp with a multi-layered protection due to a synergy effect. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenon of clientelism, widely used by the ruling party as a strategy of political mobilization. However, if discrimination arose by clientelism reaches the level that denies clients the right to choose, this is certainly not consistent with the rules of democracy.

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South Africa's 1999 Election: Consolidating a Dominant Party System

Africa Today ◽

10.1353/at.2001.0035 ◽

2001 ◽

Vol 48 (2) ◽

pp. 81-102 ◽

Cited By ~ 10

Author(s):

Kimberly Lanegran

Keyword(s):

Party System ◽

Dominant Party

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Book Reviews

Bijdragen tot de taal- land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia ◽

10.1163/22134379-90002761 ◽

1972 ◽

Vol 128 (2) ◽

pp. 366-402

Author(s):

Redactie KITLV

Keyword(s):

Roman Empire ◽

Party System ◽

Asia Pacific ◽

New Haven ◽

Yale University ◽

Asian Studies ◽

Dominant Party ◽

Oxford University ◽

Southeast Asian Studies ◽

Phonetic Features

- P.E. de Josselin de Jong, Vincent Monteil, Indonésie. Collection “Hommes et civilisations.” Horizons de France, 1970. 287 p., 280 plates (36 in colour). - H. Aveling, Burton Raffel, The forked tongue: A study of the translation process. (De proprietatibus Litterarum, series maior, 14). Mouton, The Hague and Paris 1971. 181 pp. - A. Teeuw, David H. de Queljoe, A preliminary study of some phonetic features of Petani, with glossaries. Special Report Series Number 5. Center for Southeast Asian Studies. Northern Illinois University, DeKalb, Illinois. Macrh 1971. XIII and 114 pp. - E. Postel-Coster, Kirk Michael Endicott, An analysis of Malay magic. Oxford Monographs on Social Anthropology, Oxford 1970. 188 pp. - Thé Siauw Giap, Mahathir bin Mohamad, The Malay Dilemma. Donald Moore for the Asia Pacific Press Pte Ltd, Singapore 1970. vi, 188 p. - P.D. de Josselin de Jong, Thomas J. Bellows, The People’s action party of Singapore. The energence of a dominant party system. Monograph Series No. 14, Yale University Southeast Asia Series. New Haven, Conn. 1970. 195 blz. - J.H. Maronier, J. de Loos-Haaxman, Dagwerk in Indië. Hommage aan het verstild verleden. F. Wever. Franeker. 103 bldz., 114 ill. in de tekst, 12 gekl. ill. in insteekmap. - P.H. Pott, Albert le Bonheur, La sculpture indonésienne au Musée Guimet. Catalogue et étude iconographique. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1971, oblong, 4to, 360 p., vele platen. - J.J.M. Taeymans, J. Innes Miller, The spice trade of the Roman Empire, 29 B.C. - A.D. 641. Clarendon Press: Oxford University Press, Oxford 1969. 294 p., 4 plates, 9 maps. - ,

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