Development of Bottom-Reliant Type Underwater Robots

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toshihisa Naruse ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Engineering ◽  
Walking Robot ◽  
Underwater Robots ◽  
Free Swimming ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
Technological Advances ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Construction Works

<div class=""abs_img""><img src=""[disp_template_path]/JRM/abst-image/00260003/01.jpg"" width=""300"" />Underwater bulldozer</span></div> During the 1960s and 1970s, Japan entered rapidly into ocean development in such areas as ocean surveys, ocean civil engineering, and the development of ocean resources. And then equipment developments and technological advances encouraged by the public and private sectors accompanied Japan’s development efforts. Various underwater robots were developed and put to practical use. There are various type underwater robots such as free-swimming type, bottomreliant type and towed type. Aiming at robotization in seashore, undersea, and seabed construction works, we have developed various underwater robots with focusing on the bottom-reliant type. As a result, (1) an amphibious bulldozers and an underwater bulldozers as 2-crawler robots same as land construction machines, (2) an underwater rubble leveling robot and a “ReCus” (Remote-Controlled Underwater Surveyer) as an 8-legged walking robot, and (3) a 4-crawler underwater trencher has been developed. </span>

scholarly journals Kekkonen vallankäyttäjänä ja vallankäytön välineenä. Urho Kekkosen historiakuva Helsingin Sanomien 1960-lukuviittauksissa

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olli Seuri
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Progressive Force ◽  
Historical References

Kekkonen and Power. The Image of Urho Kekkonen in Helsingin Sanomat’s References to the 1960s This article explores the history of President Urho Kekkonen as it appeared in the pages of daily newspaper, Helsingin Sanomat (HS). His history is produced in different sections and historical references in every-day work of a newspaper. Separate pieces of representations produced by writers, editors and interviewees construct the image which is as much about representing and remembering as it is about forgetting and omitting. This article’s material is limited to references to the 1960s in the HS’s volumes of 2008 and 2013. The sample is limited in order to analyse the idea of “different types of Kekkonen” in Finnish history culture. This study shows that the image of Kekkonen constructed in these references to 1960s is that of a powerful president. For example, young Kekkonen, Prime Minister Kekkonen, and the frail President after 25 years reign, are all omitted. Representations and meanings in these newspaper references are limited to Kekkonen, his legacy, and influence in public and private life in the 1960s and 1970s. In this study’s material Kekkonen is a progressive force in the modernization period of the 1960s Finland. Also, the legacy of Kekkonen and his foreign policy are strong in HS’s references. The debate concerning Cold War shows the dynamism of the image of the past of President Urho Kekkonen and his lasting relevance to Finnish history culture. His legacy and history can be used for various lines of argument. Different emphasis leads to different, even opposing, views and visions. The public debate over Cold War and Kekkonen represents a broader aspect, noticed earlier by historian Henrik Meinander (2010): The debate concerning the legacy of President Urho Kekkonen is a debate of Cold War Finland and Finland’s position between the East and the West.Kekkonen vallankäyttäjänä ja vallankäytön välineenä. Urho Kekkosen historiakuva Helsingin Sanomien 1960-lukuviittauksissa  Artikkelissa selvitetään, millainen historiakuva presidentti Urho Kekkosesta muodostuu Helsingin Sanomien (HS) 1960-lukuviittauksista vuosien 2008 ja 2013 lehdissä. Sanomalehden tuottama historiakuva syntyy päivä päivältä lehden eri osastoissa historiaa koskevissa jutuissa ja historiaviittauksissa. Kekkosen historiakuva on yksittäisistä paloista rakentuva, valikoitu esitys siitä, mikä Kekkosessa on vielä 2000-luvulla merkityksellistä. Se kertoo sekä HS:n valinnoista että suomalaisesta historiakulttuurista.HS:ssa 1960-lukuviittauksista muodostuu kuva Urho Kekkosesta presidenttinä ja vallankäyttäjänä. Otoksen rajaus nostaa esiin erityisesti Torstin (2012) määrittelemän ” 1960-luvun ja kuulentojen sukupolven” Kekkosen. Viittauksissa painottuvat modernisoituva 1960-luvun Suomi sekä 1960–1970-lukujen lännen ja idän välillä tasapainotellut kylmän sodan Suomi. Historiakuvan rakentuminen perustuu aina valintoihin ja historian käyttöön eli muistamisen ohella rajaamiseen ja unohtamiseen. HS:n 1960-lukuviittauksissa ei ole nuorta Kekkosta, ei pääministeri Kekkosta eikä sairauden vuoksi valtaoikeuksistaan luopuvaa Kekkosta. Jäljelle jää vahva vaikuttaja, jonka elämäntyötä arvioidaan niin henkilökohtaisen kuin julkisenkin kautta. Kekkosen merkitys HS:ssa ja suomalaisessa historiakulttuurissa näkyy hänen presidenttiajan perinnössään mutta myös siinä, kuinka hänen perintöään arvioidaan yhä uudelleen. Kekkosen historiakuvaan liittyvä poliittinen ulottuvuus paljastuu etenkin niissä tapauksissa, joissa Kekkosta tai häneen liitettyjä merkityksiä käytetään erilaisten argumenttien tukena. Erilaisilla painotuksilla Kekkonen taipuu HS:ssa erilaisiin asentoihin. Kuten Meinander (2010) on huomioinut, on keskustelu Kekkosesta myös keskustelua kylmän sodan Suomesta ja Suomen paikasta idän ja lännen välissä.

Saul Bellow

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan R. Chavkin
Keyword(s):  
Nobel Prize ◽  
White Male ◽  
Pulitzer Prize ◽  
Saul Bellow ◽  
The Public ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Low Culture ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Colloquial Style

Over a career of six decades, Saul Bellow (1915–2005) published novels, short stories, essays, and plays that attracted immense attention from the public and the literary establishment. The value of his creative work was recognized with numerous awards, including three National Book Awards, a Pulitzer Prize, and the Nobel Prize for Literature. The fourth child of Jewish parents who immigrated from Russia, Bellow spent the first years of his life in Lachine, Canada, before he and his family moved in 1924 to Chicago. After graduating from Northwestern University in 1937, he spent a semester at the University of Wisconsin studying anthropology but quit his graduate study to become a writer. In 1938 Bellow married the first of his five wives. In 1944 he published his first novel, Dangling Man, a novel of existential alienation. Three years later he published The Victim, a novel about anti-Semitism, but it was his next novel, The Adventures of Augie March (1953), that catapulted Bellow from relative obscurity to being regarded as one of the most important living American writers. This long picaresque novel was narrated by its larky eponymous hero in a vivid, colloquial style. Herzog (1964) secured his reputation as one of America’s foremost writers. With its complex style that captures the interior life, the novel was a surprising bestseller. The publication of Humboldt’s Gift (1975) was probably instrumental in his being awarded the Nobel Prize the following year. In this complicated novel with its inextricable blending of high and low culture and many flashbacks, the narrator ruminates on widely divergent subjects and describes his comic involvement with a variety of colorful people, especially the poet Von Humboldt Fleisher, modeled on Delmore Schwartz, and the gangster Rinaldo Cantabile. Bellow continued to publish for the next twenty-five years, but like John Updike and some other white male writers of his generation, Bellow’s reputation was hurt to some extent by critics upset by his white masculine-centered orientation. His popularity with the public and with critics is less than it was at the high point of his career in the decades of the 1960s and 1970s, but he is still regarded as one of the major 20th-century American writers. His fiction is known for its unique narrative voice, its ability to portray the intricacies of human consciousness, its metaphysical speculation, and its comedy.

Public Lands and Their Administration

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam M. Sowards
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Public Lands ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Resource Scarcity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Conflicting Demands ◽  
Park Service ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

For more than a century after the republic’s founding in the 1780s, American law reflected the ideal that the commons—the public domain—should be turned into private property. As Americans became concerned about resource scarcity, waste, and monopolies at the end of the 19th century, reform-minded bureaucrats and scientists convinced Congress to maintain in perpetuity some of the nation’s land as public. This shift offered a measure of protection and an alternative to private property regimes. The federal agencies that primarily manage these lands today—U.S. Forest Service (USFS), National Park Service (NPS), U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS), and Bureau of Land Management (BLM)—have worked since their origins in the early decades of the 20th century to fulfill their diverse, competing, evolving missions. Meanwhile, the public and Congress have continually demanded new and different goals as the land itself has functioned and responded in interdependent ways. In the mid-20th century, the agencies intensified their management, hoping they could satisfy the rising—and often conflicting—demands American citizens placed on the public lands. This intensification often worsened public lands’ ecology and increased political conflict, resulting in a series of new laws in the 1960s and 1970s. Those laws strengthened the role of science and the public in influencing agency practices while providing more opportunities for litigation. Predictably, since the late 1970s, these developments have polarized public lands’ politics. The economies, but also the identities, of many Americans remain entwined with the public lands, making political standoffs—over endangered species, oil production, privatizing land, and more—common and increasingly intractable. Because the public lands are national in scope but used by local people for all manner of economic and recreational activities, they have been and remain microcosms of the federal democratic system and all its conflicted nature.

A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 535-535
Author(s):  
Valerie Bunce
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Scientific Validity ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
The Public ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Social Scientific ◽  
Post Communism ◽  
The 1960S

The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.

Gender insurgency and neoliberal reform: the academy twice transformed?

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-91
Author(s):  
Richard Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Considerable Change ◽  
The Public ◽  
Neoliberal Reform ◽  
Social Theories ◽  
Internal Relations ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Neoliberal Restructuring

English higher education, like other parts of the public sector and higher education in other countries, is currently undergoing considerable change as it is being restructured as if it were a market in which universities, departments and academics compete against one another. This restructuring is producing new processes of subjectivity that discipline those who work and study in higher education institutions. Feminist poststructuralists have suggested that this restructuring is enabled partly through new forms of accountability that seemingly offer the 'carrot' of self-realisation alongside the 'stick' of greater management surveillance of the burgeoning number of tasks that academics, amongst others, must perform. This paper, located in the context of these changes, builds on Judith Butler's insight that processes of subjection to the dominant order through which the self is produced entail both mastery and subjection. That is, submission requires mastery of the underlying assumptions of the dominant order, In this paper I adopt an auto/biographical method and a critique of abstract social theories to explore how the neoliberal restructuring of universities interacts with the gender order. Many universities are being remoulded as businesses for other businesses, with profound effects on internal relations, the subjectivities of academics and students, and practices of education and scholarship. Yet I doubt if we can understand this, nor resist the deep corruption, through grasping neoliberalism's dynamics alone. A longer memory and a more concrete analysis are needed. Today's intense individualisation impacts on pre-existing social relations, which inflect it unpredictably. From my own experience, I evoke the baseline of an older academy, gender-segregated, explicitly patriarchal and privileged in class and ethnic terms. I stress the feminist and democratic gains of the 1960s and 1970s. I sketch the (neoliberal) strategies that undermine or redirect them. I write this, hoping that the next episode can be written differently.

In the service of the nation: intellectuals’ articulation of the Muslim national identity1

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iva Lucic
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Discursive Practices ◽  
National Narratives ◽  
Public Spheres ◽  
The Public ◽  
Building Activities ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

This article explores the emerging national narratives about Muslim national identity in the period of the 1960s and 1970s. After the national recognition of a Bosnian Muslim nation, which was proposed by the members of the Central Committee of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was the intellectuals’ task to endow the national category with cultural repertoire. Hereby affirmative as well as negating discursive practices on the national status of Muslims entered the debates, which geographically expanded the republican scope of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author examines internal discussions of the LCY on that issue as well as the intellectuals’ engagement in the public spheres in Socialist Yugoslavia. By integrating the nation-building activities of intellectuals outside Yugoslavia, the author postulates for a trans-national dimension of nation-building processes.

scholarly journals Political ethics about the phenomenon of politics in its interaction with morality

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 05002
Author(s):  
Marina Shirokova
Keyword(s):  
Human Development ◽  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Political Ethics ◽  
The Public ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The article considers the reasons for the formation of political ethics as a science and a discipline. Its appearance was caused by the crisis of the state domestic and foreign policies in the 1960s and 1970s, the collapse of value orientations in the public consciousness, as well as the loss of the authority of politics in the eyes of society. All this led to a steadily high interest in ethical issues and criticism of politics from a moral standpoint. The author traces the evolution of the interpretation of the concept of politics from antiquity to our days. Like all human activities, politics needs values and the axiological system. But in the modern world, the dehumanization of politics is taking place. Thus, the issue of restoring ties between politics and morality is largely a matter of continuing existence and prospects for human development.

The Code of Silence across the Hong Kong Eurasian Community(ies)

Meeting Place ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicky Lee
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Sense Of Community ◽  
Cultural Practices ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
Code Of Silence ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The City

This chapter examines the dynamics of Hong Kong’s Eurasian community (from the 1860s to the 1960s) in terms of the community’s perception of its own members, the attitudes of its members towards their own European and Chinese heritage, and the mutual perceptions and interactions with other ethnic groups in the city during the period in question. Despite the fact that many Eurasians have served in various roles in Hong Kong, in both the public and private sectors, from doctors and lawyers to nurses, teachers, clerks and stenographers, particularly since the late 1800s, not much is known about this community. Unlike other ethnic groups such as the Parsee and the Portuguese communities, who shared a common religion common cultural practices identity, the sense of community among Eurasians was nebulous and sporadic. Ironically, one common practice shared by members of this community was a conscious attempt to de-emphasize their membership of this ethnic group and a reluctance to acknowledge their Eurasian heritage both on an individual and collective level.

The Kraków Jewish Culture Festival

2003 ◽  
pp. 357-368
Author(s):  
Ruth Ellen Gruber
Keyword(s):  
Martial Law ◽  
Jewish Culture ◽  
The Public ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Published Research ◽  
Jewish Intellectuals

This chapter describes on the Kraków Festival of Jewish Culture, founded in 1988 by Jewish intellectuals Janusz Makuch and Krzysztof Gierat. The public embrace of Jewish culture in Poland had its roots in the anti-communist dissident movements of the 1960s and 1970s and developed steadily after the success of Solidarność in 1980 opened up new cultural and intellectual freedoms that were only partially stifled by the imposition of martial law in 1981. The pervasiveness of underground networks forced some relaxation of official strictures, too. Many taboos remained in place, but from the early 1980s on, with official sanction that at times verged on co-option, books on Jewish topics were published, research on Jewish subjects was carried out, and exhibitions, concerts, and performances on Jewish themes were held with increasing frequency. The Kraków festival was a milestone in this process and throughout the 1990s served as an important, continuing catalyst, changing and developing as overall conditions in post-communist Poland evolved.

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