scholarly journals The Relationship Between Gun Ownership and Stranger and Nonstranger Firearm Homicide Rates in the United States, 1981–2010

2014 ◽  
Vol 104 (10) ◽  
pp. 1912-1919 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Siegel ◽  
Yamrot Negussie ◽  
Sarah Vanture ◽  
Jane Pleskunas ◽  
Craig S. Ross ◽  
...  
2021 ◽  
pp. 002242782098684
Author(s):  
Richard Rosenfeld ◽  
Joel Wallman ◽  
Randolph Roth

Objectives: Evaluate the relationship between the opioid epidemic and homicide rates in the United States. Methods: A county-level cross-sectional analysis covering the period 1999 to 2015. The race-specific homicide rate and the race-specific opioid-related overdose death rate are regressed on demographic, social, and economic covariates. Results: The race-specific opioid-related overdose death rate is positively associated with race-specific homicide rates, net of controls. The results are generally robust across alternative samples and model specifications. Conclusions: We interpret the results as reflecting the violent dynamics of street drug markets, although more research is needed to draw definitive conclusions about the mechanisms linking opioid demand and homicide.


1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 519-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lester

SynopsisThe circulation of firearm magazines was used as an index of gun ownership in the states of the USA. States with a higher per capita circulation of firearm magazines had higher suicide rates by gun and higher overall suicide rates. Homicide rates were unrelated to this measure of gun availability. Implications for the prevention of suicide are discussed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001112872199182
Author(s):  
Matthew D. Moore ◽  
Mark H. Heirigs ◽  
Allison K. Barnes

Inequalities have received a fair amount of study from criminologists interested in homicide and crime. The vast majority of the examinations exploring the relationship between inequality and homicide and crime have examined income inequality. Nonetheless, feminist theorists have stated that gender inequality may be predictive of all violence, not just female victimization. The UNDP gender inequality index was replicated for states in the United States and applied to overall, male, and female homicide rates. The findings demonstrate that increased gender inequality is predictive of increased overall, male, and female homicide. These findings illustrate that gender inequality is predictive of overall, male, and female homicide victimization.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marisa L. Beeble ◽  
Deborah Bybee ◽  
Cris M. Sullivan

While research has found that millions of children in the United States are exposed to their mothers being battered, and that many are themselves abused as well, little is known about the ways in which children are used by abusers to manipulate or harm their mothers. Anecdotal evidence suggests that perpetrators use children in a variety of ways to control and harm women; however, no studies to date have empirically examined the extent of this occurring. Therefore, the current study examined the extent to which survivors of abuse experienced this, as well as the conditions under which it occurred. Interviews were conducted with 156 women who had experienced recent intimate partner violence. Each of these women had at least one child between the ages of 5 and 12. Most women (88%) reported that their assailants had used their children against them in varying ways. Multiple variables were found to be related to this occurring, including the relationship between the assailant and the children, the extent of physical and emotional abuse used by the abuser against the woman, and the assailant's court-ordered visitation status. Findings point toward the complex situational conditions by which assailants use the children of their partners or ex-partners to continue the abuse, and the need for a great deal more research in this area.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


Contention ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
AK Thompson

George Floyd’s murder by police on 26 May 2020 set off a cycle of struggle that was notable for its size, intensity, and rate of diffusion. Starting in Minneapolis, the uprising quickly spread to dozens of other major cities and brought with it a repertoire that included riots, arson, and looting. In many places, these tactics coexisted with more familiar actions like public assemblies and mass marches; however, the inflection these tactics gave to the cycle of contention is not easily reconciled with the protest repertoire most frequently mobilized during movement campaigns in the United States today. This discrepancy has led to extensive commentary by scholars and movement participants, who have often weighed in by considering the moral and strategic efficacy of the chosen tactics. Such considerations should not be discounted. Nevertheless, I argue that both the dynamics of contention witnessed during the uprising and their ambivalent relationship to the established protest repertoire must first be understood in historical terms. By considering the relationship between violence, social movements, and Black freedom struggles in this way, I argue that scholars can develop a better understanding of current events while anticipating how the dynamics of contention are likely to develop going forward. Being attentive to these dynamics should in turn inform our research agendas, and it is with this aim in mind that I offer the following ten theses.


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