A State-Level Analysis of Gender Inequality on Male and Female Homicide

2021 ◽  
pp. 001112872199182
Author(s):  
Matthew D. Moore ◽  
Mark H. Heirigs ◽  
Allison K. Barnes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Inequality Index ◽  
Homicide Rates ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
Homicide Victimization ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Level Analysis

Inequalities have received a fair amount of study from criminologists interested in homicide and crime. The vast majority of the examinations exploring the relationship between inequality and homicide and crime have examined income inequality. Nonetheless, feminist theorists have stated that gender inequality may be predictive of all violence, not just female victimization. The UNDP gender inequality index was replicated for states in the United States and applied to overall, male, and female homicide rates. The findings demonstrate that increased gender inequality is predictive of increased overall, male, and female homicide. These findings illustrate that gender inequality is predictive of overall, male, and female homicide victimization.

A Sex-Specific Analysis of Correlates of Homicide Victimization in United States Cities

1992 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 279-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. D. Smith ◽  
Victoria E. Brewer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Health Approach ◽  
Homicide Rates ◽  
Central Cities ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
Homicide Victimization ◽  
Specific Analysis ◽  
Social Structural ◽  
Structural Risk

A considerable amount of research has been devoted to determining structural correlates of homicide across places in the United States. However, recent research has found that general correlates may not hold when homicide rates are disaggregated into analysis of specific groups. Adopting a public health approach, we explore the possibility that male and female rates of homicide victimization may show differential patterns of association with selected social-structural risk factors across a sample of U.S. central cities. The results show that both male and female homicide victimization is related to a general set of factors derived from the theoretical framework of social disorganization. At the same time, it is found that these factors are better predictors of male than female homicides. Suggestions are made for research to discern additional factors, perhaps distinct from those of men, related to the rather considerable variation in the prevalence of female homicide across communities in the United States.

The Opioid Epidemic and Homicide in the United States

2021 ◽  
pp. 002242782098684
Author(s):  
Richard Rosenfeld ◽  
Joel Wallman ◽  
Randolph Roth
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Death Rate ◽  
The United States ◽  
Opioid Epidemic ◽  
Drug Markets ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Homicide Rates ◽  
Overdose Death ◽  
Sectional Analysis ◽  
The Relationship

Objectives: Evaluate the relationship between the opioid epidemic and homicide rates in the United States. Methods: A county-level cross-sectional analysis covering the period 1999 to 2015. The race-specific homicide rate and the race-specific opioid-related overdose death rate are regressed on demographic, social, and economic covariates. Results: The race-specific opioid-related overdose death rate is positively associated with race-specific homicide rates, net of controls. The results are generally robust across alternative samples and model specifications. Conclusions: We interpret the results as reflecting the violent dynamics of street drug markets, although more research is needed to draw definitive conclusions about the mechanisms linking opioid demand and homicide.

Trust in Government and the American Public’s Responsiveness to Rising Inequality

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 790-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Macdonald
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
State Level ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trust In Government ◽  
Combine Data ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The Relationship

The United States has become increasingly unequal. Income inequality has risen dramatically since the 1970s, yet public opinion toward redistribution has remained largely unchanged. This is puzzling, given Americans’ professed concern regarding, and knowledge of, rising inequality. I argue that trust in government can help to reconcile this. I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the Cumulative American National Election Studies (CANES) from 1984 to 2016. I find that trust in government conditions the relationship between inequality and redistribution, with higher inequality prompting demand for government redistribution, but only among politically trustful individuals. This holds among conservatives and non-conservatives and among the affluent and non-affluent. These findings underscore the relevance of political trust in shaping attitudes toward inequality and economic redistribution and contribute to our understanding of why American public opinion has not turned in favor of redistribution during an era of rising income inequality.

How Courts Structure State-Level Representation

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan P. Kastellec
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Median Voter ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
State Courts ◽  
Judicial Decisions ◽  
Structure State ◽  
The Relationship

I examine how courts condition the relationship between state-level public opinion and policy. The system of federalism in the United States allows federal and state courts to establish the types of policies that states are constitutionally allowed to implement. In particular, federal courts can set “federal floors” for policy, below which no states can go. State courts, in turn, can raise the level of this floor. Thus, both federal and state courts shape whether state policy can match the preferences of the median voter in a given state. Analyzing data on public opinion, judicial decisions, and state-level policy on the issue of abortion, from 1973 to 2012, I show that changes in the set of allowable abortion restrictions, according to the combined decisions of state and federal courts, significantly affect whether states implement majority-preferred policies. I also show that ignoring the influence of courts on the policymaking environment significantly affects the estimated level of policy congruence and thus conclusions about the scope of representation. These results demonstrate the importance of placing courts in the larger study of state-level representation.

1805 STATE-LEVEL ANALYSIS OF THE CONTEMPORARY UTILIZATION OF RADICAL PROSTATECTOMY IN THE UNITED STATES

2012 ◽  
Vol 187 (4S) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gurdarshan S. Sandhu ◽  
Lucas R. Wiegand ◽  
Seth A. Strope ◽  
Adam S. Kibel ◽  
Pamela L. Owens ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Radical Prostatectomy ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Level Analysis

Attention Centrality and Audience Fragmentation: An Approach for Bridging the Gap Between Selective Exposure and Audience Overlap

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Barnidge ◽  
Trevor Diehl ◽  
Lindsey A Sherrill ◽  
Jiehua Zhang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
News Media ◽  
The United States ◽  
Selective Exposure ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Audience Fragmentation ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Level Analysis ◽  
Partisan News

Abstract Scholarship on audience fragmentation typically takes one of two approaches: The micro-level analysis of individuals’ selective exposure to partisan news, or the macro-level analysis of audience overlap. To bridge the gap between these levels of analysis, we introduce the concept of attention centrality as a set of macro-to-micro measures that characterize how individual news media selection is situated within networks of public attention. Relying on an online panel survey conducted in the United States (N = 1,493), we examine the relationship between three indicators of respondents’ attention centrality (closeness, betweenness, and reach) and the partisan valence of their news selections. The study finds different patterns of results for the three indicators of attention centrality, indicating that partisan news media are not uniformly isolated to the periphery of public attention. Results are discussed in light of conversations about selective exposure and audience overlap in the United States and around the world.

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