Civil-Military Relations in Post-Conflict Sri Lanka: Successful Civilian Consolidation in the Face of Political Competition

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chaminda A. Wijayaratne
Author(s):  
Sarah Sewall

This chapter argues that the changing character of conflict demands rethinking U S civil-military relations. The United States has long relied on a nuclear deterrent and conventional military superiority to defend itself, but its adversaries have changed the rules of the game to exploit civilian vulnerabilities in the U S homeland using non kinetic tools. To ensure continued civilian control of the military use of force and effective management of competition below the threshold of war, civilian leaders must assume greater responsibility for the political and operational management of hostilities in the Gray Zone. Because civilian leaders are underprepared for this new global competition, they will be tempted to default to conventional military solutions. Traditional civil-military frameworks did not envision permanent conflict or the centrality of civilian terrain, capabilities, and operational responsibilities. The United States needs civilian-led tools and approaches to effectively avoid the dual extremes of national immobilization in the face of non kinetic threats and inadvertent escalation of conflict without civilian authorization or intent. Civilian adaptation could also diminish the traditional role of the armed forces in defending the nation. The United States must rewire the relationship of the military and civilians through its decisions about how to manage Gray Zone competition.


Asian Survey ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 32 (8) ◽  
pp. 744-756
Author(s):  
Angela S. Burger

Author(s):  
Ahmed S. Hashim

Iran has traditionally been troubled by unstable civil–military relations throughout its history. In the past, even before the emergence of the academic study of civil–military relations, Iranian imperial monarchs attempted, but often failed to ensure complete oversight of their military forces, due to the nature of imperial rule with its multiple power centers, and to the existence of myriad military forces that were often not under the monarch’s control. The rise of a centralized state in the early 20th century under Reza Shah ensured the emergence of stability in civil–military relations by means of carrots and sticks. Under Mohammad Reza Shah (r.1941–1979), early civil–military relations were quite unstable due to political turmoil and the young ruler’s lack of confidence; in subsequent years, he managed to cement his control over the military by means of patronage, insulation from domestic politics, and stringent oversight of the senior officer corps. The Iranian revolution (1978–1979) succeeded, to a large extent, due to the Shah’s own failures and those of the senior officer corps, both of which were paralyzed in the face of massive political and social turmoil. The successor state, the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) achieved control over the armed forces through ideological control and oversight and the creation of institutionalized parallel military structures. Nonetheless, the IRI has faced and continues to face instability in civil–military relations due to war, domestic political and socioeconomic crises, and foreign pressures.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-32
Author(s):  
Mustapha Salihu

The paper highlights the increasing in-practicability of post-conflict peace-building in the context of emerging unconventional intra-state wars. It however ascertains the viability of a community-referent peace-building intervention as part of wider efforts to counter the influence of Boko Haram, while tending to humanitarian needs of affected communities. To do so, it employs textual analysis of qualitative secondary data, and builds on the submission of civil-military-relations theory as its framework for analysis. The result of the textual analysis of prior literature suggests counter insurgency operations in the northeast remain highly militarized, with inconsequential attention being paid to the humanitarian needs of affected communities. Despite its relevance, the use of military force has proven to be counterproductive given its state-referent orientation. Further to which sustained use of force has heightens the effect of the conflict on millions of civilians who have fled their communities in fear of Boko Haram and military highhandedness. To address the deficiencies of the pre-existing framework for countering insurgency, the paper proposes the implementation of a community centric, bottom-up approach which emphasizes the security, reconstruction and reintegration needs of civilians and defecting combatants. By prioritizing the inclusive needs of affected communities, the state is likely to win over the population, drawing on the combined expertise and resources of military and civilian actors. The implementation of such an approach will require in amongst others a reorientation of the military roles, a renewed relation of mutual assistance between civilian and military actors in the northeast.


Author(s):  
Nil S. Satana ◽  
Burak Bilgehan Özpek

A growing body of scholarship shows that Turkey has been part of a broader trend toward authoritarianism in the 2010s. As democratization scholars explore a myriad of factors underlying this, including but not limited to institutional misuse such as holding unfair elections to consolidate authoritarian power, this chapter examines how and why the end of military tutelage resulted in the civilian control of the Turkish military but not democratic consolidation. What factors explain the rise and eventual demise of the Turkish army as a major political power in Turkey? How has civilian control of the military gradually taken place in Turkey? What are the reasons why Turkish democracy failed to consolidate despite civilian control? The chapter argues and demonstrates that two internal threats, namely Kurdish nationalism and political Islam, were strategically used by both the military and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government to subdue rival actors and consolidate power. In other words, both the military and the AKP government have limited political competition while depending on distinct sources of legitimacy: the military’s legitimacy was predicated primarily on its coercive capabilities, that of the AKP on electoral victories.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-126
Author(s):  
Sonja Stojanović-Gajić ◽  
Dušan Pavlović

In this introduction into the special issue on state capture and security sector governance, we argue that state capture is a relevant concept that helps us understand the current autocratisation and the rise of hybrid regimes. We argue that the extraction of public resources via party patronage, privatization of public administration, judiciary, security institutions, and media are vital for influencing political competition. In the second part of the article, we argue that the concept of state capture brings added value to the understanding of security governance and transformations. We show why the parts or whole of security and justice institutions are the inevitable targets of state capture and what it means to understand the success of security sector reform (SSR). Finally, we examine a range of possible positions of the security sector within the captors and what it means for both the literature on state capture and civil-military relations.


Asian Survey ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 32 (8) ◽  
pp. 744-756
Author(s):  
Angela S. Burger

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Schiel ◽  
Christopher Faulkner ◽  
Jonathan Powell

Since 1990, Côte d'Ivoire has experienced over a dozen army mutinies, with three major events occurring in the first half of 2017. This paper explores the underlying causes of these events, considering both this year's mutinies and the state's prior experiences with military insubordination. A review of the events of Côte d'Ivoire's tumultuous 2017 indicates a number of parallels with some of its earlier mutinies, though these more recent events are perhaps unique due to the presence of a larger range of dynamics and the scale of the mutineers' demands. Beyond requests for better pay, which are nearly ubiquitous, these events also illustrate the general hazards of post-conflict civil–military relations, including challenges related to demobilisation, integration of rebel forces, the consequences of soldiers having contributed to a leader's ascendance, and the perils of soldier loyalties lying with personalities instead of the state.


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