Implications of the US War on Terrorism for US - China Policy: A Strategic Window

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Carter ◽  
Costello Jr. ◽  
Kendrick Peter A. ◽  
Pittard William D. ◽  
Dana J.
Keyword(s):  
Lung ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael R. Lewin-Smith ◽  
Adriana Martinez ◽  
Daniel I. Brooks ◽  
Teri J. Franks

2020 ◽  
Vol Volume 4 (Issue 2) ◽  
pp. 454-477
Author(s):  
Ashraf Iqbal ◽  
Dr. Tanveer Hussain ◽  
Javed

The main purpose of the present research is to investigate Pak-Afghan relations in the editorials of US newspapers, The Washington Post & The New York Times and Pakistani newspapers Dawn & The News related to the following issues during the period 1997-2005; A) US as a factor in Pak-Afghan relation, B) Coverage of Islam/Muslims regarding war on terrorism, C) Pakistan’s stance on Pak-Afghan bilateral relations, and D) US’s stance on Pak-Afghan bilateral relations. The time period to be examined in this proposed study spans over eight years regarding the editorial coverage of Pak-Afghan relations in the US and Pakistani leading English Press. Triangulation method based on qualitative and quantitative method was used to conduct the present research. The results show that the editorial contents of USA and Pakistani newspapers were not different regarding Pak-Afghan relations before and after 9/11. The incident of 9/11 changed the American foreign policy towards developing and least developing nations especially Muslims states like Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Iran etc. Pakistani press highlighted the issues regarding the Pak-Afghan relations before and after 9/11 as a favorable and conducive, related to Muslim/Islam regarding war on terrorism. The study suggested that instead of the focus on military resolution of the different problems, rather social bilateral negations should be prioritized which would be long lasting and full of mutual respects and honor.


2018 ◽  
pp. 185-213
Author(s):  
Ann Russo

Recognizing how enmeshed mainstream feminist discourses are in US empire building, this essay offers ways of disentangling US ideas about solidarity from efforts of imperial conquest through a lens of accountability. The essay takes as a case in point the ways that feminist efforts have fed into the “war on terrorism” as it has played out in the US occupation and war in Afghanistan post-9/11 as well as in the context of Islamophobic and anti-Arab social policy and violence in the US. An accountability lens shifts to a solidarity grounded in mutuality and interconnectedness.


Author(s):  
Peter Dauvergne

This chapter adds to the book’s understanding of the shifting nature and great challenges confronting environmentalism, especially more radical strands. A glance at the history of Greenpeace reveals sharp differences as the organization was forming in the 1970s; even today the activism of Paul Watson, who left Greenpeace to spearhead the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society, draws the ire of Greenpeace leaders. Since the war on terrorism took root after September 11, 2001, radical activists such as Watson have been increasingly marginalized, with the US government even declaring him an “eco-terrorist.” As this chapter notes, though, many environmentalists who challenge state and business interests face even greater threats, with hundreds murdered over the past two decades. State security agencies are not the only group sidelining radical environmentalists, however; so are business associations, media outlets, and mainstream environmental NGOs.


Author(s):  
Paul J. Heer

This chapter chronicles Kennan’s and Davies’s central and successful role in formulating US policy toward China on behalf of Secretary of State Marshall during 1947-49. Their focus was on justifying gradual disengagement from US involvement in the Chinese civil war and retreat to a policy of minimum aid to the Koumintang (KMT or Nationalist) government of Chiang Kai-shek, on the grounds that Chiang’s regime was a lost cause and China was strategically expendable. The chapter discusses Kennan’s and Davies’s relative assessments of the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and the prolonged debate over China policy between the State Department and the US military establishment (the Defense Department and the Joint Chiefs of Staff).


2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 1721-1749 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELSPETH VAN VEEREN

AbstractIn January 2002, images of the detention of prisoners held at US Naval Station Guantanamo Bay as part of the Global War on Terrorism were released by the US Department of Defense, a public relations move that Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld later referred to as ‘probably unfortunate’. These images, widely reproduced in the media, quickly came to symbolise the facility and the practices at work there. Nine years on, the images of orange-clad ‘detainees’ – the ‘orange series’ – remain a powerful symbol of US military practices and play a significant role in the resistance to the site. However, as the site has evolved, so too has its visual representation. Official images of these new facilities not only document this evolution but work to constitute, through a careful (re)framing (literal and figurative), a new (re)presentation of the site, and therefore the identities of those involved. The new series of images not only (re)inscribes the identities of detainees as dangerous but, more importantly, work to constitute the US State as humane and modern. These images are part of a broader effort by the US administration to resituate its image, and remind us, as IR scholars, to look at the diverse set of practices (beyond simply spoken language) to understand the complexity of international politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. xliii-xlviii
Author(s):  
Rahman Ullah

In this focus essay I discuss how the Taliban understand coronavirus in Afghanistan. I make the point that they see it as a political event of significance for establishing their legitimacy, as well as to press the US and the Afghan government to come to their terms in the War on Terrorism.                                                                                                                                                                                                   


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-97
Author(s):  
John Calabrese

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate a significant course correction in US–China policy. It examines the increasingly broad dissatisfaction with China policy, which has resulted in an apparent end the era of intensive engagement and led to a hardening of the US approach to China across the policy spectrum, as exemplified by the critique of and incipient efforts to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Design/methodology/approach The research draws on primary and secondary source material to identify evidence of and examine the rationale behind the shift from the USA’s decades-long “engagement” approach toward an in intensifying strategic competition with China. Findings A course correction in US–China policy has been years in the making, and as most now argue is long overdue. The idea that China has emerged as America’s foremost strategic competitor is widely accepted, and indeed deeply ingrained in the thinking of most US foreign affairs professionals. It is also starkly evident in current US declaratory policy and increasingly in its operational policy as well. Research limitations/implications The research offers a fresh perspective on the domestic and diplomatic dimensions of China’s rising. Originality/value The research builds on the latest scholarship on the growth of China’s geopolitical challenge to the USA to explore the development of China–US tensions and rivalries at all levels from the Bush and Obama eras to the present.


Global Policy ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nien‐chung Chang‐Liao
Keyword(s):  

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