Indonesia's April 2004 Parliamentary Elections: Implications for Presidential Elections and Policies. Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, Volume 3, Number 6, June 2004.

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony L. Smith
2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
ASIA-PACIFIC CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Olczyk ◽  
Jacek Wasilewski

The 2015 presidential election was a turning point in a history of celebritisation of politics in Poland. Rock vocalist Paweł Kukiz unexpectedly finished third with 20% of votes, the highest result of any celebrity–candidate in presidential elections. He achieved that, campaigning mostly on Facebook, without any significant power base and financial support. Kukiz set up his own political organisation, which gained a 9% backing in the parliamentary elections. He achieved that with no political platform, no media backing, and no party structure. We argue that his persona was a crucial asset in his political success. We will show how Kukiz created, managed and performed his persona, how he used it to mobilise three million voters and then to create and brand his “Kukiz’15 Movement.” Finally, we analyse limits, traps and contradictions of persona power. Analysed material includes Paweł Kukiz’s and his opponents’ Facebook posts, televised political advertisements, performances in celebrity TV shows and debates.


2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoram Meital

Although many have dismissed Egypt's first competitive presidential elections and the parliamentary elections of 2005 as a sham, the election campaigns marked a new departure in the Egyptian political sphere, including a shift in the domestic political balance. This article argues that the convergence of developments in the domestic political arena — including the emergence of new movements — the shifting emphasis of US foreign policy towards democratization, and the emergence of the new Arab media space, give the elections real significance despite the predictability of the results.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-151
Author(s):  
Rouben Azizian ◽  
Elizabeth Van Wie Davis

On 22-24 February 2006, the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies(APCSS) held this conference on the complex security environment ofCentral Asia as the region continues to struggle with the phenomena of terrorismand religious extremism, poverty and corruption, political instabilityand authoritarian governance, as well as great power (China, Russia, and theUnited States) suspicion and rivalry. These challenges are not uniquelyCentral Asian, but the region seems to be particularly vulnerable to them asits young nations are undergoing a significant political, social, and economictransformation. How the region copes with these issues will extend importantlessons to the world as a whole.This forum examined the trilemma posed for Central Asia and thebroader Asia-Pacific region. First, for the war on terror in the region to besuccessful, it must evolve into well-implemented stabilization and reconstructionefforts as well as dramatic improvements in governance andhuman rights. Second, no country on its own can alter the situation inCentral Asia, for such an effort requires cooperation between all of the majorpowers and stakeholders in the region (India, Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey).The magnitude of the problem of terrorism, which affects most if not allcountries in the region, should preclude another variation of the Great Game.Finally, while the number of regional organizations and security forums inCentral Asia has been growing, the low degree of coordination among themtriggers counterproductive rivalries and plays into the hands of extremistelements. Since terror knows no borders, what happens in Central Asia significantlyimpacts developments elsewhere.Although the counterterrorist effort in Central Asia has successfullymarginalized the Taliban and al-Qaeda, the localization of the terrorist threatmeans that new autonomous extremist cells continue to emerge in CentralAsia. The sources of proliferation of radical Islam can be found in socioeconomicdeprivation, widespread corruption, and political ...


Author(s):  
О. Л. Фомиця

The article analyzes musical accompaniment in political, commercial and social advertising as a means of influence on the masses. The advertising blocks of the presidential election company in Ukraine in 2019 from the archive of the broadcasting of the Ukrainian radio station "Hit FM" were traced, as well as political videos of the parliamentary elections of the Russian Federation in 2016 and political videos of the presidential elections in the USA in 2016. Examples of using music accompaniment as sign sound and background music in commercial and social advertising are considered. As a result of listening, differences in the musical accompaniment of commercials were found. It has been established that music in political and commercial advertising can be used as a sign sound to create a complete emotional image of the advertised object, and the style and nature of musical accompaniment in social advertising is determined by the content of the video and intends to emphasize the identified social problem.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-117
Author(s):  
Bohdan Tkach ◽  
Lesia Lytvynchuk ◽  
Ihor Popovych ◽  
Olena Blynova ◽  
Larysa Zahrai ◽  
...  

The study partly reveals “Zelenskyi’s phenomenon”, when a person without any political experience confidently won a victory over an experienced politician at the presidential and parliamentary elections. The paper considered neuropsychological understanding of a brand as a multi-modal image with emotional connection and as an artificial addiction. Specific features of the perception of political slogans were studied with EMOTIV Epoc+ 14-channel mobile neurointerface and EmotivPRO and EMOTIV Brain Activity Map software. The ranking of slogans in terms of the efficiency of perception of the individuals of 40-60 years old was carried out on the basis of EEG and the cognitive and emotional indexes: obtained stress, interaction, interest, excitement, concentration, relaxation. The study involved 30 men and 30 women who intended to vote in the presidential elections of 2019. It was established which slogans are the best, good, average, ambiguous, with little effect, ineffective, with a negative effect. It was determined that the most effective and at the same time efficient slogan that evokes emotions and really encourages to support is PRESIDENT IS PEOPLE’S SERVANT. The best slogan that appeals to support it is “We Are Ukraine”, “New Policy of Ukraine”, “Country of Strong People!” The basic cognitive and emotional indexes that would contribute to the creation of effective psychological impact on voters’ behavior are the presence in the slogan of the word “Ukraine”, the avoidance of the so-called “stop words” (for women it is “army” and everything related to violence and death, and for men it is everything related to the provision of material benefits), the use of religious sentimentality in women and gender differences in slogans targeting. The value of the studied phenomenon and the efficiency of slogans and other media products before launching them into mass advertising has been proved.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Markovinovic ◽  
Mike Daniels

1998 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Birch

In the Ukrainian parliamentary elections of 1994 the Communist party gained the greatest number of seats, yet the presidential election of the same year was won by a liberal reformer, Leonid Kuchma. The question arises as to how within a period of only a few months the Ukrainian electorate could have brought about such divergent results. This article addresses the question with reference to the workings of the Ukrainian electoral systems. It argues firstly, that the systems governing the two types of election created distinctive incentive structures for campaign strategy which interacted with the structure of preferences of the electorate in different ways, and secondly, that majoritarian aggregative formulae had different effects in the two sets of elections.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (55) ◽  
pp. 290-308
Author(s):  
Bartłomiej Biskup

In the article profiles of polish political parties electorates in parliamentary election 2019 was analysed, as well as flows of voters and changes in voting in different sociodemographic groups. In the first part was analysed how the Poles voted in parliamentary elections 2019 by the division of different groups of electorate. In the second part was analysed flow of voters between different political parties in the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2015 and in the EU parliamentary elections in 2019 and parliamentary elections 2019.


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