scholarly journals From rock star to political star – curious case of Paweł Kukiz persona power

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Olczyk ◽  
Jacek Wasilewski
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Advertisements ◽  
Power Base ◽  
History Of ◽  
Tv Shows ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Political Success

The 2015 presidential election was a turning point in a history of celebritisation of politics in Poland. Rock vocalist Paweł Kukiz unexpectedly finished third with 20% of votes, the highest result of any celebrity–candidate in presidential elections. He achieved that, campaigning mostly on Facebook, without any significant power base and financial support. Kukiz set up his own political organisation, which gained a 9% backing in the parliamentary elections. He achieved that with no political platform, no media backing, and no party structure. We argue that his persona was a crucial asset in his political success. We will show how Kukiz created, managed and performed his persona, how he used it to mobilise three million voters and then to create and brand his “Kukiz’15 Movement.” Finally, we analyse limits, traps and contradictions of persona power. Analysed material includes Paweł Kukiz’s and his opponents’ Facebook posts, televised political advertisements, performances in celebrity TV shows and debates.

scholarly journals The Need for an Established Senate Rule on Election-Year and Lame Duck Session Supreme Court Nominations

2021 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jacob Weaver
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
American History ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Presidential Campaign ◽  
Look Back ◽  
History Of ◽  
Lame Duck ◽  
Explicit Rule

In 2016, the Republican-held Senate refused to hold a hearing on President Barack Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, sparking outrage among the Democratic Party. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell justified his party’s actions based on what became known as the “McConnell Rule.” This controversial rule holds that during years of presidential elections, when the president and the Senate majority are of different parties, the Senate is not expected to confirm the president’s Supreme Court nominees; but, when the president and Senate majority are of the same party, vacancies may be filled. When the Senate applied this rule in 2020, the stakes were even higher. Revered liberal stalwart Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg passed away only 46 days before the 2020 presidential election. Invoking the McConnell Rule, the Republican-held Senate moved forward with the confirmation of President Trump’s nominee Amy Coney Barrett. This contentious move again infuriated Democrats, and the presidential campaign. Now that Justice Barrett has been appointed and the presidential election has passed, it is useful to look back on the history of Supreme Court nominations during presidential election years. Such a review suggests that the so-called McConnell Rule is rooted in valid historical precedent. In fact, viewed in light of American history, even a Trump lame duck nomination and confirmation would have been valid. This blog post argues that the Senate should distill this historical precedent into an explicit Rule of the Senate that will govern the chamber going forward. The rule should obligate the Senate to either (1) hold a vote to confirm the election-year or lame duck nominee, or (2) hold a vote to postpone action on the nomination. If a vote to postpone action on the nomination fails, the rule should then compel the Senate to hold a vote to confirm the nominee. Such a rule removes all doubt about the Senate’s authority to act or refuse to act on election-year and lame duck nominees, exposes unfounded threats of retaliation by minority parties, and best conforms to the Constitution.

Electoral Systems, Campaign Strategies, and Vote Choice in the Ukrainian Parliamentary and Presidential Elections of 1994

1998 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Birch
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Campaign Strategies ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Incentive Structures

In the Ukrainian parliamentary elections of 1994 the Communist party gained the greatest number of seats, yet the presidential election of the same year was won by a liberal reformer, Leonid Kuchma. The question arises as to how within a period of only a few months the Ukrainian electorate could have brought about such divergent results. This article addresses the question with reference to the workings of the Ukrainian electoral systems. It argues firstly, that the systems governing the two types of election created distinctive incentive structures for campaign strategy which interacted with the structure of preferences of the electorate in different ways, and secondly, that majoritarian aggregative formulae had different effects in the two sets of elections.

‘Organising the unpredictable’: the Nigeria–Biafra war and its impact on the ICRC

2012 ◽  
Vol 94 (888) ◽  
pp. 1409-1432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
International Committee ◽  
Red Cross ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
History Of ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
Set Up

AbstractThis article analyses how the events of the late 1960s – and in particular the Nigeria–Biafra War – marked a turning point in the history of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The Nigeria-Biafra conflict required the ICRC to set up and coordinate a major relief operation during a civil war in a post-colonial context, posing several new challenges for the organisation. This article shows how the difficulties encountered during the conflict highlighted the need for the Geneva-based organisation to reform the management of its operations, personnel, and communications in order to become more effective and professional. Finally, the article takes the examination of this process within the ICRC as a starting point for a broader discussion of the changing face of the humanitarian sector in the late 1960s.

Azerbaijan after Heydar Aliev

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alec Rasizade
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
International Community ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Commonwealth Of Independent States ◽  
History Of ◽  
Independent States

The 15 October 2003 presidential election went down in the history of Azerbaijan as a turning point for three reasons. First, it provided a legitimacy for the transfer of power from ailing President Heydar Aliev to his son Ilham. Second, it demonstrated the unwillingness of the so-called “international community” to risk jeopardizing geostrategic and economic interests by unequivocally condemning blatant falsification of the ballot. And, third, by failing to condemn falsification of the ballot, the international community has signaled to other entrenched Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) leaders that they have little to lose by following the Azeri example. However, the developments one month later in Georgia evidently worried them that the popular protests that forced President Shevardnadze from power could have adverse repercussions for incumbent leaders across the region.

Early Heimwehr Aims and Activities

1972 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 105-147
Author(s):  
C. Earl Edmondson
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Social ◽  
First Republic ◽  
History Of

The riots that took place in Vienna in July, 1927, and the unsuccessful strikes that followed them came to be regarded almost immediately as a turning point in the history of Austria's first republic. In a flash, the Social Democratic Party, which had made the best relative showing in the parliamentary elections in April of that year, was thrown on the defensive, while within a few months the governing anti-socialist groups dominated by the Christian Social Party began to gather their forces for a vigorous political offensive. In the forefront of the anti-socialist drive stood the various paramilitary Heimwehren, which had played a leading role in foiling the nationwide strikes in July. Capitalizing on the widespread fear that the socialist leaders were preparing to wage violent class warfare, the Heimwehr leaders rapidly expanded their provincial organizations and used them as militarized pressure groups. They sought to depict the Heimwehr as a popular movement that would save Austria's traditional social order by enabling—or forcing—the “bourgeois” parliamentarians to stand firm against the socialists.

scholarly journals Key to the 2012 Presidential Election: The Philadelphia Suburbs

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-33
Author(s):  
Thomas Joseph Lonergan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The United States ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mitt Romney

Mitt Romney or Barack Obama: this is the choice Pennsylvanian voters will have in November as the 2012 presidential election draws closer. The voters of Pennsylvania will be at the height of importance in the history of American presidential elections, playing a key role as one of the leading battleground states in this upcoming election. With twenty electoral votes, tied for the fifth most of any state in the country, both campaigns will look to focus a great amount of time and money on trying to win this crucial state. And at the center of this fierce battle between the current GOP presumptive nominee and the President of the United States are four counties that comprise the suburbs of Philadelphia. These counties will ultimately decide the fate of Pennsylvania’s electoral votes, and possibly even the election itself.

scholarly journals What the Numbers Say: A Digit-Based Test for Election Fraud

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernd Beber ◽  
Alexandra Scacco
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Laboratory Experiments ◽  
Equal Frequency ◽  
Substantial Evidence ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Election Fraud ◽  
Using Data

Is it possible to detect manipulation by looking only at electoral returns? Drawing on work in psychology, we exploit individuals' biases in generating numbers to highlight suspicious digit patterns in reported vote counts. First, we show that fair election procedures produce returns where last digits occur with equal frequency, but laboratory experiments indicate that individuals tend to favor some numerals over others, even when subjects have incentives to properly randomize. Second, individuals underestimate the likelihood of digit repetition in sequences of random integers, so we should observe relatively few instances of repeated numbers in manipulated vote tallies. Third, laboratory experiments demonstrate a preference for pairs of adjacent digits, which suggests that such pairs should be abundant on fraudulent return sheets. Fourth, subjects avoid pairs of distant numerals, so those should appear with lower frequency on tainted returns. We test for deviations in digit patterns using data from Sweden's 2002 parliamentary elections, Senegal's 2000 and 2007 presidential elections, and previously unavailable results from Nigeria's 2003 presidential election. In line with observers' expectations, we find substantial evidence that manipulation occurred in Nigeria as well as in Senegal in 2007.

Formation and Development of the Pre-Professional Training System of Foreign Medical Applicants in Ukraine (Historical and Educational Aspect)

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 95-98
Author(s):  
Iana Proskurkina
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Students ◽  
Professional Training ◽  
Training System ◽  
Further Education ◽  
Effective System ◽  
History Of ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The University ◽  
History Of Formation ◽  
Educational Aspect

Abstract The growing number of foreign applicants looking forward to getting education in Ukrainian medical universities makes us find the ways how to improve and make effective the pre-professional training system of foreign medical applicants for further education. The article deals with the issues of the history of formation and development of the preprofessional training system of foreign medical applicants in Ukraine. On the ground of the electronic databases of the official websites of higher educational establishments, the data on years of opening first offices of the dean, departments and preparatory faculties for foreign medical applicants in Ukrainian medical universities are analyzed and systematized. Also the data on the setting up preparatory faculties at other universities who carry out licensed training of foreign students of the medical profile are presented. The data on the operating and management of such institutions in the system of the University administration are generalized. It’s revealed that during the years of its functioning the pre-professional training has changed, in particular the system was commercialized and the institutions involved in training foreign applicants have been reorganized. The modern trends in teaching foreign medical students at the preparatory faculties of the Ukrainian medical universities are displayed. Based on the analysis of the data it is concluded that the system of the pre-professional training of foreign medical applicants was set up in the 50s-60s years of the twentieth century. During this time, some positive experience in the preparation of future international medical specialists has been gained. The system of the pre-professional training of foreign medical applicants has been comprehensively improved and an effective system of managing foreign medical applicants has been created.

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