The Struggle over Political Order in Egypt: The 2005 Elections

2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoram Meital
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Arab Media ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Media Space

Although many have dismissed Egypt's first competitive presidential elections and the parliamentary elections of 2005 as a sham, the election campaigns marked a new departure in the Egyptian political sphere, including a shift in the domestic political balance. This article argues that the convergence of developments in the domestic political arena — including the emergence of new movements — the shifting emphasis of US foreign policy towards democratization, and the emergence of the new Arab media space, give the elections real significance despite the predictability of the results.

Ukrainian political parties and foreign policy in election campaigns: Parliamentary elections of 1998 and 2002

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Makhorkina
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Factors Of Influence ◽  
Policy Agendas ◽  
Voting Decisions

The foreign policy agendas of Ukrainian political parties participating in parliamentary elections are among the important factors of influence on Ukrainians voting in favor or against. There is a positive correlation between the preferences of Ukrainian voters and the foreign policy orientations of the political parties as expressed in their electoral platforms. Even if it is not likely that in general foreign policy plays a dominant role in the average citizen’s voting decisions, it is, nevertheless, very relevant in the context of Ukrainian politics. In this article it is demonstrated that the use of foreign policy issues is a part of the overall electoral strategy of Ukrainian political parties.

scholarly journals Presidential Elections in Moldova and Parliamentary Elections in Romania

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-65
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Special Significance ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Cycle

The topic of the article indicated in the title is considered outside the historical and cultural ties of two neighboring states, which both make them related and at the same time contrast them. Purely external parallels are easy to draw: low turnout and special significance of votes from the diaspora in both cases, high relevance of the topic of government corruption of power in election campaigns, relative failure of the socialists in both elections. Moreover, there is a noticeable mutual training of the elites and the use of each other’s experience. But а concrete analysis shows that the outcome of the elections was decisively influenced by the balance of power in each of these countries. Their outcome is also not identical. In Romania, power will almost certainly be formed without the Social Democratic Party, although it retained the largest faction in parliament. In Moldova, the political cycle is not over yet. Only after the expected early parliamentary elections will it become clear: who, with whom, and on what terms will share the power.

US Presidential Elections and Foreign Policy

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Public ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Way

This book explores the relationship between American presidential elections and US foreign policy. It argues that analysis of this relationship is currently underdeveloped (indeed, largely ignored) in the academic literature and among historians in particular and is part of a broader negligence of the influence of US politics and the public on foreign policy. It is usually taken as being axiomatic that domestic factors, especially the economy, are the most influential when people enter the voting booth. This may often be the case, but foreign policy undoubtedly also plays an important part for some people, and, crucially, it is seen to do so by presidential candidates and their advisers. Therefore, while foreign policy issues influence some voters in the way they choose to vote, the perception that voters care about certain foreign policy issues can also have a profound effect on the way in which presidents craft their foreign policies. Although we agree with those scholars who argue that it is difficult to discern the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy making, this complex relationship is one that, we feel, requires further exploration. This collection therefore seeks to understand the relative importance of US foreign policy on domestic elections and electoral positions and the impact of electoral issues on the formation of foreign policy.

US Foreign Policy After the Bush Administration

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-21
Author(s):  
Francis Fukuyama
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
International Studies ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Cornell University

Professor Fukuyama, B.A. Classics, Cornell University 1974, spoke at Cornell on April 21, 2008, at the invitation of the Einaudi Center for International Studies. The Board of the Cornell International Affairs Review had the privilege of meeting with him during his visit. The following article, produced here with his permission, is an edited transcript of this talk. The board of the Cornell International Affairs Review thanks Professor Fukuyama for his support to our mission.

De Brusselse vereniging De Veldbloem zoekt toenadering tot Hendrik Conscience. Twee pas ontdekte brieven

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-289
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
De Man ◽  
First World

Het wordt in de historiografie van de Vlaamse beweging aanvaard dat Hendrik Conscience door de Brusselse progressieve vereniging ‘De Veldbloem’ in 1872 werd gevraagd om te kandideren voor de parlementaire verkiezingen. Conscience zou dat geweigerd hebben. Dit is uiteraard geen onbetekenend feit in de biografie van de man die ‘zijn volk leerde lezen’.Dit gegeven is terug te voeren op de geschriften van Antoon Jacob (°1889) van na de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Jacob werd beschouwd als een autoriteit inzake Conscience. Maar waar is het bewijs? Hij verwees daarbij naar “uitvoerige correspondentie” maar die is niet te vinden. Het ADVN slaagde erin om de archivalische nalatenschap van de in 1947 gestorven Jacob te verwerven. Daarin bleken heel wat brieven van en aan Conscience te zitten. De briefwisseling met ‘De Veldbloem’ was onderwerp van deze bijdrage. Daarin is geen spoor te vinden van de poging om Conscience op het politieke strijdtoneel te brengen in Brussel. Daarbij moet de vraag gesteld worden hoe Jacob deze archiefstukken verzamelde en wat ermee is gebeurd tijdens zijn turbulente leven en talrijke omzwervingen. Het is best mogelijk dat er een en ander is verloren gegaan. Toch is deze nalatenschap een belangrijke aanwinst voor de studie van de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging en die van Conscience in het bijzonder. ________ The Brussels association ‘De Veldbloem’ seeks contact with Hendrik Conscience. Two recently discovered letters It is an accepted fact in the historiography of the Flemish Movement that the Brussels progressive Association ‘De Veldbloem’ [=the Wildflower] asked Hendrik Conscience in 1872 to be their candidate for the parliamentary elections. It is said that Hendrik Conscience refused the request. This is of course a very significant fact in the biography of the man ‘who taught his people to read.’ This information may be inferred from the writings of Antoon Jacob (°1889) from the period after the First World War. Jacob was regarded as an authority on Conscience. But where is the evidence of this? In his claim, he referred to ‘extensive correspondence’, but that correspondence is not extant. The ADVN managed to acquire the archival legacy of Jacob who died in 1947. It turned out that it included quite a number of letters to and from Conscience. The exchange of letters with ‘De Veldbloem’ was the subject of this contribution. It contains no trace of the attempt to bring Conscience into the political arena in Brussels. It raises the question how Jacob collected these archival documents and what happened to them during his turbulent life and his many peregrinations.  It is certainly possible that some documents have been lost. However, this legacy is still an important acquisition for the study of the history of the Flemish Movement and of Conscience in particular.

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