Electoral Systems, Campaign Strategies, and Vote Choice in the Ukrainian Parliamentary and Presidential Elections of 1994

1998 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Birch
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Campaign Strategies ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Incentive Structures

In the Ukrainian parliamentary elections of 1994 the Communist party gained the greatest number of seats, yet the presidential election of the same year was won by a liberal reformer, Leonid Kuchma. The question arises as to how within a period of only a few months the Ukrainian electorate could have brought about such divergent results. This article addresses the question with reference to the workings of the Ukrainian electoral systems. It argues firstly, that the systems governing the two types of election created distinctive incentive structures for campaign strategy which interacted with the structure of preferences of the electorate in different ways, and secondly, that majoritarian aggregative formulae had different effects in the two sets of elections.

scholarly journals From rock star to political star – curious case of Paweł Kukiz persona power

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Olczyk ◽  
Jacek Wasilewski
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Advertisements ◽  
Power Base ◽  
History Of ◽  
Tv Shows ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Political Success

The 2015 presidential election was a turning point in a history of celebritisation of politics in Poland. Rock vocalist Paweł Kukiz unexpectedly finished third with 20% of votes, the highest result of any celebrity–candidate in presidential elections. He achieved that, campaigning mostly on Facebook, without any significant power base and financial support. Kukiz set up his own political organisation, which gained a 9% backing in the parliamentary elections. He achieved that with no political platform, no media backing, and no party structure. We argue that his persona was a crucial asset in his political success. We will show how Kukiz created, managed and performed his persona, how he used it to mobilise three million voters and then to create and brand his “Kukiz’15 Movement.” Finally, we analyse limits, traps and contradictions of persona power. Analysed material includes Paweł Kukiz’s and his opponents’ Facebook posts, televised political advertisements, performances in celebrity TV shows and debates.

Prospects for Russian politics in 2022

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Stable Conditions ◽  
Russian Politics

Subject Prospects for Russian politics in 2022. Significance Now that the Kremlin has dealt with the immediate domestic policy priorities of constitutional change and parliamentary elections, 2022 will be a year of consolidation and continuity. The administration's focus will be on preparing what it regards as optimal, stable conditions for the presidential election in 2024. The Communist Party has a chance to build popularity among anti-government voters, but may not be bold enough given the Kremlin's limited tolerance for rebellious behaviour.

scholarly journals Strategi Kampanye Joko Widodo dan Ma'ruf Amin dalam Debat Calon Presiden pada Tahun 2019

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 385-393
Author(s):  
Ribkha Annisa Octovina ◽  
Leo Agustino ◽  
Dede Sri Kartini
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Campaign Strategies ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Media ◽  
Selection Of

This article aims to describe the political campaign strategy of Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election. The problem is focused on the campaign strategy carried out by the PDI-P party to support the political debate agenda against the presidential candidates Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin. In order to approach this problem, Nursal's theoretical reference is used to use the theory of political campaign strategy. The selection of this theory in this study is because it is more suitable to describe the findings of political campaign strategies for the candidate pairs Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential candidate debate that can attract sympathy or gain support as described in the preliminary study. The data were collected through interviews and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that in the implementation of the presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election, the political campaign strategy applied by PDI Perjungan to support Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin, one of which is the marketing of political products through the mass media. First, strengthen the material. Second, observing the target and determining the target for the political debate. Third, approach the media throughout the media, including media that are affiliated and unaffiliated.

The Elusive Persuadable Voter

Bases Loaded ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
Costas Panagopoulos
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
General Election ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
The Other ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Party Support

This chapter investigates the timing of presidential vote choice and the rates of party support and party defection in recent presidential elections. The percentage of voters who are making their decision to support one presidential candidate instead of the other after the general election campaign is shrinking. Campaigns struggle to persuade voters once they’ve reached a decision to vote for a particular candidate. This is an added motivation for campaigns to focus on mobilization instead of persuasion. Not only are voters making up their minds earlier than ever, but they are also more loyal than ever. Partisans, particularly strong partisans, rarely defect from supporting their party’s nominee, which was not the case in presidential election just a few decades ago.

scholarly journals What the Numbers Say: A Digit-Based Test for Election Fraud

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernd Beber ◽  
Alexandra Scacco
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Laboratory Experiments ◽  
Equal Frequency ◽  
Substantial Evidence ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Election Fraud ◽  
Using Data

Is it possible to detect manipulation by looking only at electoral returns? Drawing on work in psychology, we exploit individuals' biases in generating numbers to highlight suspicious digit patterns in reported vote counts. First, we show that fair election procedures produce returns where last digits occur with equal frequency, but laboratory experiments indicate that individuals tend to favor some numerals over others, even when subjects have incentives to properly randomize. Second, individuals underestimate the likelihood of digit repetition in sequences of random integers, so we should observe relatively few instances of repeated numbers in manipulated vote tallies. Third, laboratory experiments demonstrate a preference for pairs of adjacent digits, which suggests that such pairs should be abundant on fraudulent return sheets. Fourth, subjects avoid pairs of distant numerals, so those should appear with lower frequency on tainted returns. We test for deviations in digit patterns using data from Sweden's 2002 parliamentary elections, Senegal's 2000 and 2007 presidential elections, and previously unavailable results from Nigeria's 2003 presidential election. In line with observers' expectations, we find substantial evidence that manipulation occurred in Nigeria as well as in Senegal in 2007.

Populist Voting in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election: Voter Deficiencies or a Reaction to Disadvantages?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josephine Gellersen ◽  
Toon Kuppens ◽  
Katherine Stroebe
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Psychological Mechanisms ◽  
Low Education ◽  
Lower Education ◽  
Better Than

What drives people to vote for a populist politician like Donald Trump? Many have explained “Trumpism” by referring to voters’ racism or low intellect, not least because low education predicted Trump voting. Few have considered whether reactions to the perceived disadvantages lower educated people experience may also affect vote choice. We investigated whether voting Trump may be explained by societal discontent, and why. Prior research on populism has not explored psychological mechanisms relating discontent to populism. We propose that the relation between discontent and populism is explained by the perception that populists care about voters’ struggles and the hope that they will address them . We examined correlates of voting Republican in the 2016, 2012, and 2008 presidential elections. Different from Republican voting in previous years, lower education predicted Trump voting via societal discontent, hope and care. Societal discontent was more strongly related to Trump voting compared to Republican voting in previous elections. This relation was mediated by hope and care. Importantly, racist attitudes did not predict voting Trump better than it did voting Republican in other years.

The Influence of Scandal on Vote Intention during Korean Presidential Campaigns

Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 393-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeonghun Min
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Presidential Campaigns ◽  
Vote Intention ◽  
The Impact

This article examines the impact of the “BBK” scandal on the 2007 Korean presidential election. Voters continue to support the “corrupt” candidate after the scandal, treating it as just one of the determinants for vote choice. The findings show that the implicit trading thesis applies to Korean presidential elections.

Electoral System Incentives for a Party-Serving Personal Vote

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-24
Author(s):  
Marina Popescu ◽  
Mihail Chiru
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Almost All

Candidate-centric campaigns are most likely to occur when electoral system incentives to personalize do not conflict with party-based incentives. Then it makes sense for candidates to use any campaign mean to improve their chances to win a seat while also helping the party win more seats and increasing their standing within the organization. The Romanian electoral system uniquely combined mechanisms that enabled all three motivations for almost all candidates. Our analysis of the degree and determinants of personalization in the 2012 parliamentary elections illustrates that electoral system incentives were key factors driving campaign personalization as a party-congruent rather than adversarial campaign strategy.

Bases Loaded

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Costas Panagopoulos
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Voter Mobilization ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Partisan Polarization ◽  
The Past ◽  
Swing Voters ◽  
Fundamental Shift

Over the past few decades, a fundamental shift in political campaign strategy has been afoot in U.S. elections: Political campaigns have been gradually shifting their attention away from swing voters toward their respective, partisan bases. Independents and weak partisans have been targeted with less frequency, and the emphasis in contemporary elections has been on strong partisans. This book documents this shift—away from persuasion toward base mobilization—in the context of U.S. presidential elections and explains that this phenomenon is likely linked to several developments, including advances in campaign technology and voter-targeting capabilities as well as insights from behavioral social science focusing on voter mobilization. The analyses show the 2000 presidential election represents a watershed cycle that punctuated this shift. The book also explores the implications of the shift toward base mobilization and links these developments to growing turnout rates for strong partisans and attenuating participation among independents or swing voters over time. The book concludes these patterns have contributed to heightened partisan polarization in the United States.

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