scholarly journals “The disappointed pacifist”: Problems of war and peace in P.N. Milyukov’s journalism at the beginning of the XX century

Author(s):  
Н.Ю. Николаев

В статье рассмотрены взгляды П.Н. Милюкова на проблемы войны и мира в 1910-е гг. Выявлено его отношение к вооруженным конфликтам, пацифистскому движению, милитаризму, разоружению и перспективам достижения всеобщего (вечного) мира. Определены причины и характер мировоззренческой эволюции Милюкова и его отказа от прежних антивоенных убеждений. Отдельно рассмотрена общественно-политическая позиция, занятая Милюковым в период Первой Мировой войны. The article examines the views of P.N. Milyukov on the problems of war and peace in the 1910s. His attitude to armed conflicts, pacifist movement, militarism, disarmament, and prospects for achieving universal (eternal) peace is Revealed. The reasons and nature of Milyukov's worldview evolution and his rejection of previous anti-war beliefs are determined. The socio-political position taken by Milyukov during the First World war is considered separately.

2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Horne

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to introduce the idea of the “knowledge front” alongside ideas of “home” and “war” front as a way of understanding the expertise of university-educated women in an examination of the First World War and its aftermath. The paper explores the professional lives of two women, the medical researcher, Elsie Dalyell, and the teacher, feminist and unionist, Lucy Woodcock. The paper examines their professional lives and acquisition and use of university expertise both on the war and home fronts, and shows how women’s intellectual and scientific activity established during the war continued long after as a way to repair what many believed to be a society damaged by war. It argues that the idea of “knowledge front” reveals a continuity of intellectual and scientific activity from war to peace, and offers “space” to examine the professional lives of university-educated women in this period. Design/methodology/approach The paper is structured as an analytical narrative interweaving the professional lives of two women, medical researcher Elsie Dalyell and teacher/unionist Lucy Woodcock to illuminate the contributions of university-educated women’s expertise from 1914 to the outbreak of the Second World War. Findings The emergence of university-educated women in the First World War and the interwar years participated in the civic structure of Australian society in innovative and important ways that challenged the “soldier citizen” ethos of this era. The paper offers a way to examine university-educated women’s professional lives as they unfolded during the course of war and peace that focuses on what they did with their expertise. Thus, the “knowledge front” provides more ways to examine these lives than the more narrowly articulated ideas of “home” and “war” front. Research limitations/implications The idea of the “knowledge front” applied to women in this paper also has implications for how to analyse the meaning of the First World War-focused university expertise more generally both during war and peace. Practical implications The usual view of women’s participation in war is as nurses in field hospitals. This paper broadens the notion of war to see war as having many interconnected fronts including the battle front and home front (Beaumont, 2013). By doing so, not only can we see a much larger involvement of women in the war, but we also see the involvement of university-educated women. Social implications The paper shows that while the guns may have ceased on 11 November 1918, women’s lives continued as they grappled with their war experience and aimed to reassert their professional lives in Australian society in the 1920s and 1930s. Originality/value The paper contains original biographical research of the lives of two women. It also conceptualises the idea of “knowledge front” in terms of war/home front to examine how the expertise of university-educated career women contributed to the social fabric of a nation recovering from war.


Author(s):  
Rogério Arthmar ◽  
Michael McLure

This study reflects on Arthur Cecil Pigou’s role in public debate during the initial phase of the First World War over whether Britain should negotiate a peace treaty with Germany. Its main goal is to provide evidence that the “Cambridge Professor” framed his approach to this highly controversial issue from theoretical propositions on trade, industrial peace, and welfare that he had developed in previous works. After reviewing his contributions on these subjects, Pigou’s letter to The Nation in early 1915, suggesting an open move by the Allies towards an honorable peace with Germany, is presented along with his more elaborate thoughts on this same theme put down in a private manuscript. The negative reactions to Pigou’s letter are then scrutinized, particularly the fierce editorial published by The Morning Post. A subsequent version of Pigou’s plea for peace, delivered in his London speech late in 1915, is detailed, listing the essential conditions for a successful conclusion of the conflict. To come full circle, the paper recapitulates Pigou’s postwar considerations on diplomacy, free trade, and colonialism. The concluding remarks bring together the theoretical and applied branches of Pigou’s thoughts on war and peace.


Author(s):  
Hans Joas ◽  
Wolfgang Knöbl

This book examines the “early history” of social theories on war, beginning with Thomas Hobbes. It explores the key arguments in the debate on war and peace carried on from Hobbes to the Napoleonic Wars between philosophers, political economists, and political thinkers, including Hobbes himself and Carl von Clausewitz, and how the progressive optimism nourished by liberal doctrines gradually began to take hold. It also considers the intellectual prehistory and history of the First World War and how social theory's engagement with the phenomenon of war, which had already begun before the First World War, did not continue in any substantial way after 1918. Furthermore, the book discusses the rise of the subdiscipline of “historical sociology” in the Anglo-American world and concludes with some remarks on what we see as a convincing conception of enduring peace and on the need to move beyond monothematic diagnoses of the contemporary world and of social change.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (5) ◽  
pp. 1573-1578
Author(s):  
Oliver Cackov

During the First World War Macedonia in its ethnic borders was a space of bloody fights of the Great Powers and their struggle for world domination and colonial empires. The front line on the territory of Macedonia, known as the Front of Macedonia, whose length was several hundred kilometers long, stretched predominantly through the mountainous areas at an altitude of over 2,000 meters where the armed conflicts, between the forces of the Entente and the Central Powers took place. The immediate cause of the formation of the Macedonian Front was the failure of the Dardanelles Operation, when troops from Galipola were transferred to Thessaloniki. The Macedonian front was the only allied front where the only command had been operating throughout its existence. At the beginning, the main command was held by the General Moris Saraj. The paper deals with the tragedy of the cities and the population, and the mountain heights that were located on the first frontline of the Macedonian Front, with huge destruction and devastation from everyday artillery and air strikes. Bitola as an important communication point was constantly exposed to bombardment, and many of the surrounding villages disappeared forever. Only a few kilometers southeast of Bitola is the top Kajmakcalan, where there were also fierce fighting with many casualties and terrible devastation. The Battle of Kajmakcalan as part of the military operations of the Macedonian Front is one of the great battles of the First World War. In the history, the Battle of Kajmakchalan has been observed according to the great number of dead and wounded and the altitude where it took place. The breathtaking legendary city of Dojran and its surroundings, located in the center of the demarcation (front line), was completely destroyed. The residents of Dojran, on the orders of the Central Forces who were stationed there, left their homes and left in other Macedonian cities, but also in Serbia and Bulgaria, before the very beginning of the "Dojran Front".


Author(s):  
Peter Ryley

Most attention has been paid to anarchist opposition to the First World War. There were, however, anarchists who supported the Entente powers, wished to see Germany defeated, and opposed the anti-war movement. Peter Kropotkin and his French supporters were the most prominent of these. This chapter examines Kropotkin's challenge to the radical orthodoxies of his day and places it in the context of the development of thinking about war and peace in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It engages with the debate between him and his most prominent antagonist, Errico Malatesta, and suggests that Kropotkin's arguments, mainly based on the right to self-defence, his rejection of non-intervention, and his opposition to moral equivalence, were coherent and persuasive then and are still relevant for thinking about war and peace today.


1975 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 232-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.J.Q. Adams

David Lloyd George's reputation and political position seemed unassailable in 1918. Lord Beaverbrook, perhaps somewhat extravagantly, wrote of that period: The war was over. Lloyd George was now the most powerful man in Europe. His fame would endure forever. He was admired and praised in all countries.Not the least praised of all his works during the First World War was the formation between May 1915 and June 1916, of the Ministry of Munitions. In the eyes of many Britons, he had patriotically given up the prestigious and powerful Chancellorship of the Exchequer to take up the burden of munitions production when the shortage of shells and guns seemed to frustrate the British military effort. Some time thereafter the necessary armaments appeared, and the Minister and his associates shared in the popular acclaim. The apparent early success of the Ministry of Munitions helped to propel him from the Munitions Office in Whitehall Gardens to Number 10 Downing Street itself. Peter Lowe has written in his recent evaluation of this episode of Lloyd George's career: The Ministry of Munitions was crucial to the rise of Lloyd George to supreme power. In a government grappling with stalemate on the western front, failure at Gallipoli and muddle at Salonica, the organization of munitions production on vastly improved lines was a dramatic success.The erosion of his political position after the war and the long period of his eclipse gave opportunity for critics to revise the popular view of the career which had received so much applause.


Author(s):  
Seán Brosnahan

This chapter address the relative influence of both Scottish and Maori traditions on the development of New Zealand’s military forces before, during and after the First World War. Although New Zealand's Scots formed military units that drew on Scotland's proud martial heritage, there was an alternative warrior tradition from New Zealand's indigenous Maori that also fed in to the evolving identity of New Zealand's armed forces. This chapter examines the waxing and waning of the two warrior traditions, from armed conflicts in New Zealand during the colonial period, through two world wars abroad, and into the present day. It concludes that while Scottish military traditions still resonate in New Zealand, the Maori strand has proven more enduring in shaping the country's distinctive modern military identity.


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