The Glorious Commander-in-Chief

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Vermeule
Keyword(s):  
Commander In Chief

Award documents of the CheKa functionary E. G. Evdokimov as a source on the history of All-Ukrainian Extraordinary Commission and Red Terror in Crimea in 1920–1921

2018 ◽  
pp. 201-214
Author(s):  
Andrei Ganin
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
Commander In Chief

The article analyzes the award documents of the head of the Special Department of all-Ukrainian CheKa E. G. Evdokimov as a source on the history of Red Terror in Crimea in 1920–1921 and in relation to the activities of Ukrainian CheKa officers. To date, these materials are the only known departmental evidence of the scale of the Crimean executions. In addition, of interest is the perception of these events by the commander-in-chief of all armed forces of Ukraine and Crimea M.V. Frunze, who left two resolutions on the documents.

“In Fact, We Do Not Have a Regular Army Yet…” A Letter of the Commander of Kiev Region Armed Forces General A.M. Dragomirov to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of South Russia General A.I. Denikin. 12 (25) December 1919

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 245-264
Author(s):  
Andrey Ganin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Stanford University ◽  
The South ◽  
Moral Improvement ◽  
Policy And Strategy ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Regular Army ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Commander In Chief

The document published is a letter from the commander of the Kiev Region General Abram M. Dragomirov to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces in the South of Russia General Anton I. Denikin of December, 1919. The source covers the events of the Civil War in Ukraine and the views of the leadership of the White Movement in the South of Russia on a number of issues of policy and strategy in Ukraine. The letter was found in the Hoover Archives of Stanford University in the USA in the collection of Lieutenant General Pavel A. Kusonsky. The document refers to the period when the white armies of the South of Russia after the bright success of the summer-autumn “March on Moscow” in 1919 were stopped by the Red Army and were forced to retreat. On the pages of the letter, Dragomirov describes in detail the depressing picture of the collapse of the white camp in the South of Russia and talks about how to improve the situation. Dragomirov saw the reasons for the failure of the White Movement such as, first of all, the lack of regular troops, the weakness of the officers, the lack of discipline and, as a consequence, the looting and pogroms. In this regard, Dragomirov was particularly concerned about the issue of moral improvement of the army. Part of the letter is devoted to the issues of the civil administration in the territories occupied by the White Army. Dragomirov offers both rational and frankly utopian measures. However, the thoughts of one of the closest Denikin’s companions about the reasons what had happened are interesting for understanding the essence of the Civil War and the worldview of the leadership of the anti-Bolshevik Camp.

The Use of Lethal Force by Military Forces on Law Enforcement Operations — is There a ‘Lawful Authority’?

2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rob McLaughlin
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Lethal Force ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
Bona Fide ◽  
The Law ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Peace Officer

Now a person, whether a magistrate, or a peace-officer, who has the duty of suppressing a riot, is placed in a very difficult situation, for if, by his acts, he causes death, he is liable to be indicted for murder or manslaughter, and if he does not act, he is liable to an indictment on an information for neglect; he is, therefore, bound to hit the precise line of his duty: and how difficult it is to hit that precise line, will be a matter for your consideration, but that, difficult as it may be, he is bound to do. R v Pinney (1832) 5 Car & P [254], [270] (Littledale J). A soldier is bound to obey any lawful order which he receives from his military superior. But a soldier cannot any more than a civilian avoid responsibility for breach of the law by pleading that he broke the law in bona fide obedience to the orders (say) of the commander-in-chief. Hence the position of a soldier is in theory and may be in practice a difficult one. He may, as it has been well said, be liable to be shot by a court-martial if he disobeys an order, and to be hanged by a judge and jury if he obeys it. A V Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of Constitution (10th ed, 1959) 303.

Portraits of courage: Caught in the sovereign’s gaze

2021 ◽  
pp. 136754942098584
Author(s):  
Robin Wagner-Pacifici
Keyword(s):  
Normal Vector ◽  
Us Veterans ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Ongoing Project

Reversing the normal vector of sovereign representation, former US President George W. Bush is engaged in an ongoing project of painting his former subjects, hundreds of portraits of wounded US veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. This article explores what it means to have a sovereign observe and render in oil the very subjects he sent to war. It will track the politically vexed communicative exchanges of deference, recognition, power, and identity in such portrait making. Furthermore, assessing the meaning of the invitation to wounded veterans to be painted by one’s former Commander in Chief, the article raises complex issues of victimhood and responsibility. Asking the questions, ‘Who gets to look at whom?’ and ‘Who gets to render whom?’, the article takes as its model Foucault’s analysis of the troubled ‘reciprocal visibility’ in Velazquez’s painting, Las Meninas.

Likeable? Effective Commander in Chief? Polling on Candidate Traits in the “Year of the Presidential Woman”

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (04) ◽  
pp. 747-752 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Burrell
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Leadership ◽  
Gallup Poll ◽  
The Government ◽  
Commander In Chief

“Clinton Eclipses Obama and Edwards on Leadership” a Gallup Poll report headlined in January 2007. Gallup chose eight characteristics to determine this assessment, including being most qualified to be president, is the strongest leader, would be the best in a crisis, would manage the government most effectively, and would work the best with Congress. In a summary of its findings, the report concludes: “Among the characteristics and qualities tested, Clinton's strong points are almost uniformly related to presidential leadership. She holds a formidable lead on many items in this category, including being qualified to be president and being a strong leader” (Saad 2007).

Superb Intentions and U.S. Policy Constraints

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Wiley
Keyword(s):  
Secondary School ◽  
Global Education ◽  
Environmental Disaster ◽  
Debt Burden ◽  
African Heritage ◽  
Economic Collapse ◽  
Second Year ◽  
Global Identities ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
The U.S

Barack Obama's election was an extraordinary event in American and world history, but already in his second year as president, the luster and the popularity of the Obama administration has faded, even among many who mobilized to elect him. In addition to righting two wars, Obama is attempting to fix a broken health care system in the context of a nationally contentious electorate and Congress. He also is coping with a mounting debt burden from seeking to recover from an economic collapse and public anger at an environmental disaster of mega proportions, requiring him to rein in the banks and corporations that were unleashed from public regulation during the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton years. In addition, he is commander-in-chief of the U.S. military and its rapidly expanding U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM).This was an administration elected on “hope for change.” Indeed, Obama's election raised expectations across the U.S. and throughout Africa that a man of African heritage, indeed a global person, could be and had been elected. This quintessentially optimistic, intelligent, and gifted American is the product of a Kenyan father and an internationally engaged mother, a multicultural childhood, and a global education as graduate of a private secondary school and elite American universities, and he has been pinned simultaneously with American, biracial, African American, African, and even global identities (see Zeleza 2009).

Nikolai Ivanovich Pirogov. His life and work

1911 ◽  
Vol 11 (7-10) ◽  
pp. 225-250
Author(s):  
M. Kazanskago
Keyword(s):  
Successful Treatment ◽  
Commander In Chief

Officially, N.I. Pirogov was sent to the war, but by the Highest command in the order of the commander-in-chief for the nearest observation of the successful treatment of the wounded

Bonaparte’s Expedition to Egypt and Syria (1798–1801) and His Policy towards Local Christians

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
С.А. Кириллина ◽  
Д.Р. Жантиев
Keyword(s):  
French Army ◽  
Christian Communities ◽  
French Military ◽  
Local Residents ◽  
Military Command ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Military Units ◽  
Religious War

В статье рассматриваются основные аспекты политики французского военного командования в отношении христианских общин Османского Египта и Османской Сирии во время экспедиции Бонапарта (1798–1801 гг.). Особое внимание уделено замыслам Бонапарта и его преемников на посту главнокомандующего по привлечению египетских и сирийских христиан к сотрудничеству с французской оккупационной администрацией в качестве чиновников и солдат вспомогательных военных отрядов. Также в статье рассматривается французская пропаганда в сопоставлении с практическими действиями в отношении египетских коптов и сирийских христиан наряду с ответной реакцией со стороны как христианских общин, так и мусульманского большинства населения Османского Египта и Османской Сирии. Выявлены противоречия и двойственность политики Бонапарта и его преемников на посту главнокомандующего Восточной армии – Клебера и Мену в отношении местных христиан. Французское командование рассматривало восточных христиан как потенциальных союзников, но в то же время не решалось выражать к ним особые симпатии, поскольку подобные действия могли вызвать возмущение среди мусульманского большинства населения и создать впечатление, что французы ведут религиозную войну против ислама и мусульман. В статье сделан вывод о том, что эта непоследовательность стала одной из причин неудачи египетской экспедиции Бонапарта, когда французская армия в ходе военных действий в Египте и Сирии оказалась отрезанной от Франции и в то же время не могла пополнять свои ряды добровольцами из числа местных жителей. The article examines the main aspects of the policy of the French military command in relation to the Christian communities of Ottoman Egypt and Ottoman Syria during the expedition of Bonaparte (1798–1801). Particular attention is paid to the plans of Bonaparte and his successors as commander-in-chief to attract Egyptian and Syrian Christians to cooperate with the French occupation administration as officials and soldiers of auxiliary military units. The article also examines French propaganda in comparison with practical actions towards Egyptian Copts and Syrian Christians, and the response from both Christian communities and the Muslim majority of the population of Ottoman Egypt and Ottoman Syria. The contradictions and ambiguity of the policy of Bonaparte and his successors as commander-in-chief of the Eastern Army – Kleber and Menou towards local Christians are revealed. The French command considered Eastern Christians as potential allies, but at the same time did not dare to express special sympathy for them, since such actions could cause outrage among the Muslim majority of the population and create the impression that the French are waging a religious war against Islam and Muslims. The article concludes that this inconsistency was one of the reasons for the failure of Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition, when the French army was cut off from France during the hostilities in Egypt and Syria and at the same time could not replenish its ranks with volunteers from among the local residents.

Biography of Lieutenant General V. G. Boldyrev from the new sources

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (12-2) ◽  
pp. 4-29
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shishkin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Supreme Commander

The published collection of documents is devoted to Lieutenant General V.G. Boldyrev, who was one of the major political and military figures of counterrevolution during the Civil War in Russia. The documents are dated November 1922 - August 1923. At that time, Boldyrev was in prison, being arrested by the bodies of the State Political Directorate. The documents contain the information about how and according to what considerations Party and Soviet authorities made decisions concerning the fate of the former Supreme Commander in chief of the anti-Bolshevist camp, who refused to leave Russia and to become an emigrant.

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