Infrastructure and FDI: Evidence from District-Level Data in India

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krishnamurthy Subramanian ◽  
Rajesh Chakrabarti ◽  
Sesha Sairam ◽  
Sudershan Kuntluru
Keyword(s):  
District Level ◽  
Level Data

Was Duverger Correct? Single-Member District Election Outcomes in Fifty-three Countries

2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew M. Singer
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
District Level ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Plurality Rule ◽  
Third Place ◽  
Institutional Rules ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
Duverger's Law

In districts where only one seat is contested, the electoral formula (plurality or majority) should be a major determinant of the number of parties that receive votes. Specifically, plurality rule should generate two-party competition while other institutional arrangements should generate electoral fragmentation. Yet tests of these propositions using district-level data have focused on a limited number of cases; they rarely contrast different electoral systems and have reached mixed conclusions. This study analyses district-level data from 6,745 single-member district election contests from 53 democratic countries to test the evidence for Duverger's Law and Hypothesis. Double-ballot majoritarian systems have large numbers of candidates, as predicted, but while the average outcome under plurality rule is generally consistent with two-party competition, it is not perfectly so. The two largest parties typically dominate the districts (generally receiving more than 90 per cent of the vote), and there is very little support for parties finishing fourth or worse. Yet third-place parties do not completely disappear, and ethnic divisions shape party fragmentation levels, even under plurality rule. Finally, institutional rules that generate multiparty systems elsewhere in the country increase electoral fragmentation in single-member plurality districts.

scholarly journals Political Economy Analysis of Voter Participation and Choices in National Elections in Ghana’s Fourth Republican Era

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 174
Author(s):  
Kwabena Asomanin Anaman ◽  
Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
District Level ◽  
Voter Participation ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Literacy Rate ◽  
National Population ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Republican Era

We analysed the determinants of voter participation (turnout), impairment of voter participation (spoiled or rejected ballots), and the outcomes (share of the total valid votes cast garnered by the victorious political party) in national presidential elections during the Fourth Republican era in Ghana. This analysis was undertaken based on meso-level statistical models, using district-level data of voters compiled from constituency-level data maintained by the Electoral Commission of Ghana, and district-level socio-economic characteristics derived from the 2010 and 2000 National Population Censuses conducted by the Ghana Statistical Service. In essence, we used data from two presidential elections in Ghana in 2000 and 2012 which could be directly aligned to data from the 2000 and 2010 national population censuses for district-level analysis using the concept of an average “district” voter. Our analysis indicated that the voter turnout was determined by a number of factors, the most important one being the population aged 15 over; the turnout decreases with increasing population. The impairment of voter participation, based on the proportion of the total votes cast attributed to spoiled ballots, was linked to the literacy rate with the spoiled ballots proportion declining with increasing literacy rate. The share of the total valid votes cast, obtained by the victorious party in a district, was influenced to a large degree by the proportion of the total number of citizens in a district belonging to the two biggest social/ethnic groups in Ghana, Asantes and Ewes, who predominantly voted in a countervailing manner for the parties that their political class elites dominate, the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress, respectively.

Spatial analysis of child labour in India

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lokender Prashad ◽  
Mili Dutta ◽  
Bishnu Mohan Dash
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Analysis ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Hot Spot ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Child Labour ◽  
District Level ◽  
School Level ◽  
Population Census ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Level Data

Purpose This study on spatial analysis of child labour in India is a macro level analysis on child labour using the census data, 2011 of Government of India. The population census which is conducted once in 10 years only provides district level data on work-force distribution. The study has spatial analysis of child labour in the age group of 5–14 years in India. To assess the magnitude of the children in the labour force, district level data of Census 2011 has been used in the study. The study has made an attempt to identify the districts where there is high level of children in the labour force. This paper aims to estimate the magnitude and trends of children’s workforce participation using the census data as it is the only data base, which is available at the district level since 1961 onwards. The study has made an attempt to identify the clustering of child labour across districts in India and how child labour is clustered by different background characteristics. Design/methodology/approach The study has used ArcGIS software package, GeoDa software and local indicator of spatial association test. Findings The findings of study reveal that the proportion of rural, total fertility rate (TFR) and poverty headcount ratio is positively associated, whereas female literacy and the pupil-teacher ratio are negatively associated with child labour. It suggests that in the hot-spot areas and areas where there is a high prevalence of child labour, there is need to increase the teacher's number at the school level to improve the teacher-pupil ratio and also suggested to promote the female education, promote family planning practices to reduce TFR in those areas for reducing the incidences of child labour. Research limitations/implications The study also recommends that the incidences of child labour can be controlled by a comprehensive holistic action plan with the active participation of social workers. Practical implications The promulgation of effective legislation, active involvement of judiciary and police, political will, effective poverty alleviation and income generation programmes, sensitisation of parents, corporates and media can play effective role in mitigating the incidences of child labour in India. To achieve the sustainable development goals (SDGs) adopted by world leaders in 2015 to eradicate child labour in all its forms by 2025. Social implications The study aims to achieve the SDGs adopted by world leaders in 2015 to eradicate child labour in all its forms by 2025. Originality/value The study is purely original and there are no such studies in Indian context by using the latest software.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Rumela Sen
Keyword(s):  
Regional Variation ◽  
South India ◽  
District Level ◽  
Credible Commitment ◽  
The North ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Conflict Zone ◽  
Indian State ◽  
North And South ◽  
Theoretical Insight

This chapter introduces the central empirical puzzle and the primary theoretical insight of the book. In course of several rounds of interviews, current and former Maoist rebels in North and South India shared that they were not able to quit the insurgent organization even if they wanted to. This was because they feared that they could be killed post-retirement, unarmed and defenseless, by either their former enemies or by their former comrades, while the Indian state would lose nothing for failing to protect them. This creates a problem of credible commitment in the process of surrender of rebels, which, this book shows, is resolved locally by informal exit networks, more proficiently in the South of India than in the North. This chapter also introduces the district-level data on surrender of Maoists and other testimonies from the conflict zone to illustrate the vast regional variation in retirement of Maoist rebels in North and South India.

scholarly journals Adequacy of SEIR models when epidemics have spatial structure: Ebola in Sierra Leone

2019 ◽  
Vol 374 (1775) ◽  
pp. 20180282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne M. Getz ◽  
Richard Salter ◽  
Whitney Mgbara
Keyword(s):  
Infectious Disease ◽  
Transmission Function ◽  
Disease Outbreaks ◽  
District Level ◽  
Transmission Model ◽  
Theme Issue ◽  
Infectious Disease Outbreaks ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Populations At Risk

Dynamic SEIR (Susceptible, Exposed, Infectious, Removed) compartmental models provide a tool for predicting the size and duration of both unfettered and managed outbreaks—the latter in the context of interventions such as case detection, patient isolation, vaccination and treatment. The reliability of this tool depends on the validity of key assumptions that include homogeneity of individuals and spatio-temporal homogeneity. Although the SEIR compartmental framework can easily be extended to include demographic (e.g. age) and additional disease (e.g. healthcare workers) classes, dependence of transmission rates on time, and metapopulation structure, fitting such extended models is hampered by both a proliferation of free parameters and insufficient or inappropriate data. This raises the question of how effective a tool the basic SEIR framework may actually be. We go some way here to answering this question in the context of the 2014–2015 outbreak of Ebola in West Africa by comparing fits of an SEIR time-dependent transmission model to both country- and district-level weekly incidence data. Our novel approach in estimating the effective-size-of-the-populations-at-risk ( N eff ) and initial number of exposed individuals ( E 0 ) at both district and country levels, as well as the transmission function parameters, including a time-to-halving-the-force-of-infection ( t f/2 ) parameter, provides new insights into this Ebola outbreak. It reveals that the estimate R 0 ≈ 1.7 from country-level data appears to seriously underestimate R 0 ≈ 3.3 − 4.3 obtained from more spatially homogeneous district-level data. Country-level data also overestimate t f/2 ≈ 22 weeks, compared with 8–10 weeks from district-level data. Additionally, estimates for the duration of individual infectiousness is around two weeks from spatially inhomogeneous country-level data compared with 2.4–4.5 weeks from spatially more homogeneous district-level data, which estimates are rather high compared with most values reported in the literature. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Modelling infectious disease outbreaks in humans, animals and plants: approaches and important themes’. This issue is linked with the subsequent theme issue ‘Modelling infectious disease outbreaks in humans, animals and plants: epidemic forecasting and control’.

Why Ethnic Subaltern-Led Parties Crowd Out Armed Organizations: Explaining Maoist Violence in India

2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kanchan Chandra ◽  
Omar García-Ponce
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Field Research ◽  
District Level ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Armed Violence ◽  
Maoist Movement ◽  
New Hypothesis

AbstractThis article asks why some Indian districts experience chronic Maoist violence while others do not. The answer helps to explain India’s Maoist civil war, which is the product of the accumulation of violence in a few districts, as well as to generate a new hypothesis about the causes of civil war more generally. The authors argue that, other things equal, the emergence of subaltern-led parties at the critical juncture before armed organizations enter crowds them out: the stronger the presence of subaltern-led political parties in a district at this juncture, the lower the likelihood of experiencing chronic armed violence subsequently. They develop their argument through field research and test its main prediction using an original, district-level data set on subaltern incorporation and Maoist violence in India between 1967 and 2008. The article contributes a new, party-based explanation to the literatures on both civil war and Maoist violence in India. It also introduces new district-level data on the Maoist movement and on the incorporation of subaltern ethnic groups by political parties in India.

The Electoral Constraints on Inter-Party Mobility of Candidates: The Case of Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei Zhirnov ◽  
Mariam Mufti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Market Value ◽  
District Level ◽  
Electoral Volatility ◽  
Local District ◽  
Electoral District ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Positive Effect

This article investigates the electoral constraints on the inter-party mobility of candidates. We argue that the prevalent mode of interactions among candidates, voters, and parties in local, district-level electoral markets shapes the strategic constraints faced by potential party switchers. We suggest that strong linkages between voters and political parties reduce the market value of the candidates outside of their political parties, thereby constraining their inter-party mobility. These expectations are evaluated using candidate- and district-level data from Pakistan from 1988–2013. The results show that the strength of voter-party linkages in an electoral district, as measured by the lack of electoral volatility and the extent of straight-ticket voting in national and provincial elections, has a positive effect on the propensity of candidates to switch parties.

The End of Midterm Decline?

2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-164
Author(s):  
Lex Renda
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
District Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Midterm Elections ◽  
Average Loss ◽  
Open Seat ◽  
The U.S

Variations in the loss of seats in the House of Representatives by the president's party in midterm elections between 1854 and 1998 are analyzed from a historical perspective. Whereas in the latter three-fourths of the nineteenth century the president's party lost, on average, 22% of its share of House seats, in the twentieth century the average loss was 13%. Using district-level data, the author attributes the problematization of “midterm decline” to the growing power of incumbency (a consequence of the development of the Australian ballot), the decline in the number of partisanly competitive districts in open-seat elections, and the limitation, since 1912, of the size of the U.S. House of Representatives.

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