1. The Starting Point

This chapter discusses what makes British politics distinctive and recognizable: its parliamentary democracy, uncodified constitution, and pattern of party government. It begins by outlining some recent events that have made British or UK politics so fascinating and controversial. The chapter then describes the political system, particularly the institutional rules that affect what happens and govern how politics takes place. Parliament, composed of the House of Commons, House of Lords, and the Crown, is the supreme legal authority in the UK. The chapter also provides a summary of the British constitution. It places the UK in a comparative context, to be studied alongside other nation states. Finally, the chapter sets out the information and concepts that help in understanding the nature of and limits to British democracy.

Mobilization against Sexual Harassment in the European Parliament: The MeTooEP campaign

The international #MeToo campaign against sexual harassment constitutes the most prominent contemporary campaign against sexual harassment worldwide. It exposed the issue by undermining the ‘culture of silence’ prevailing in several contexts, including political institutions. This article analyses one specific variant of #MeToo, the campaign MeTooEP that emerged in the European Parliament (EP). MeTooEP is unique in many ways: it was the first collective action against sexual harassment in parliaments emerging in the #MeToo aftermath and it was the first collective action within the EP led by members of the staff, which eventually drove some internal policy changes. Using a unique, large interview dataset, the analysis shows how the actors behind MeTooEP were crucial in shaping the campaign. Their knowledge of institutional rules, practices and daily presence in the EP facilitated their advocacy and transformed the Parliament into an enabling platform for their actions. With the help of Feminist Institutionalism, the analysis demonstrates how the formal and informal institutional EP bodies with their rules and regulations shaped MeTooEP in ways that constrained and empowered it.

Proper characterisation of the parol evidence rule and its applicability in international arbitration

Most arbitral statutes and institutional rules give great latitude to tribunals on the admissibility of evidence, and do not mandate application of domestic rules of evidence. In common law jurisdictions where the parol evidence rule applies, the issue that arises is whether the parol evidence rule is necessarily a procedural rule of evidence which tribunals are not bound to apply, especially in jurisdictions which have codified the rule under domestic evidence legislation. Notwithstanding any codification, this article argues that the parol evidence rule at common law is a substantive rule of contractual interpretation that should be applied as part of the lex contractus in international arbitration proceedings. Faithful application of the parol evidence rule as a substantive rule of contractual interpretation ensures that adjudicators arrive at the same interpretation on the same set of facts, thereby promoting uniformity, predictability, and consistency, regardless of the mode of dispute resolution.

Teachers’ practices of proactive and reactive classroom management strategies and the relationship to their self-efficacy

Teachers’ proactive and reactive classroom management strategies are a significant component of teaching effectiveness. Teachers need to develop such strategies to structure a positive classroom environment. In addition, teachers’ self-efficacy beliefs concerning their classroom management strategies are equally significant. This research aimed to identify the teachers’ effective proactive and reactive classroom management strategies. It also sought to investigate the obstacles that inhibit proactive classroom management use and identify the association between teachers’ self-efficacy and classroom management practices. The research adopted a mixed-methods paradigm, consisting of two tools: a questionnaire and semi-structured interviews. The sampling included 80 Saudi teachers of English as a foreign language (EFL) participated in the survey and eight teachers participated in the interviews. The results showed that EFL teachers find proactive classroom management strategies more effective than reactive strategies. In addition, there was a difference between novice and experienced teachers’ effective classroom management strategies, in which experienced teachers found proactive strategies more effective. The findings also indicated that there are four types of obstacles that hinder proactive classroom management strategies. System-related obstacles (subject-centered curriculum and institutional rules), system/teacher related obstacles (institutional rules and teachers’ predispositions concerning e-tools), teacher-related obstacles (lack of understanding of the discipline plan), and student-related obstacles (unmotivated students). The final finding cited the positive association between teachers’ high self-efficacy and proactive classroom management application.

Social Capital, Institutional Rules, and Constitutional Amendment Rates

Why are some constitutions amended more frequently than others? Despite the importance of this question to political science and legal theory, there is little consensus regarding the forces that shape constitutional amendments. Some scholars only focus on institutional factors, while others emphasize variations in culture. This paper makes a contribution to both literatures by examining how social capital reduces the transaction costs imposed by amendment rules. We conduct cross-sectional analyses of amendment rates for democratic constitutions globally and time-series analyses of efforts to amend the U.S. Constitution. The results indicate amendment frequency is a product of amendment rules, group membership, civic activism, and levels of social and political trust, but these effects vary across contexts based on the corresponding transaction costs. Our findings suggest social capital can have beneficial effects on social movements that demand constitutional amendments and the political elites and voters who supply them.

“Demonstrate Benign Intentions”

Chapter 5 considers the political and multilateral components of China’s grand strategy to blunt American power in Asia. It demonstrates that the “traumatic trifecta” at the end of the Cold War led China to reverse its previous opposition to joining regional institutions. Beijing feared Asian regional forums might be used by Washington to build liberal regional order or even an Asian NATO, so China joined them to blunt American power. It stalled institutionalization in regional organizations that included the United States; wielded institutional rules to constrain US freedom of maneuver; and hoped its own participation would reassure wary neighbors otherwise tempted to join a US-led balancing coalition. China also worked with Russia to erect regional institutions in Central Asia to guard against US influence within the region.

Coalition Governance Patterns across Western Europe

We here summarize and compare the empirical results found by our country authors, focusing on the coalition life cycle in seventeen countries. The chapter starts with a description of the changes that have occurred during the past decades in the party systems of Western Europe, and some institutional rules surrounding government formation and duration. We then turn to the comparing patterns of government formation across countries, showing that coalitions constitute almost 70 per cent of the cabinets in Western Europe, and that the Scandinavian countries have been dominated by minority cabinets. Focusing on the coalition governance stage, we analyse the variation in the use of different control mechanisms across countries, for example showing that many coalition governments draft extensive contracts to control their partners in cabinet. The comparative data we present also shows that such agreements have become longer over time. Focusing on the last stage of the life cycle, we show that in a majority of countries, it is more common that a cabinet terminates early than serves the full term. There has also been a clear trend towards more government instability, even though the variation in cabinet duration across countries is large. We conclude this chapter by returning to the three coalition governance models described earlier in this volume, classifying the countries as being closer to one of the three models, based on a number of indicators and the information provided by our country experts.

Neoliberal managed care and the changing nature of social work practice

Social workers are currently caught in a “structural bind” in which the field’s original normative mission, rooted in social justice and social change, is increasingly at odds with the reality of working in a hierarchical neoliberal managed care setting. While most practitioners are at risk of burnout under these strained conditions, not all will respond in the same way. This article considers the possibility that some practitioners will exhibit authoritarian character traits (e.g., submission to and unquestioned compliance with institutional rules) in conformity with the institutional setting of neoliberal managed care. Using the Maslach Burnout Inventory for Health Services Occupations (MBI-HSS) and Dunwoody and Funke’s Aggression-Submission-Conventionalism (ASC) authoritarianism scale, the authors explore the previously unexamined relationship between authoritarianism and burnout among a sample of 532 social workers in the US. As hypothesized, correlations between each of the MBI-HSS subscales and ASC subscales yielded an inverse relationship between authoritarianism and burnout.