The End of Midterm Decline?

2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-164
Author(s):  
Lex Renda

Variations in the loss of seats in the House of Representatives by the president's party in midterm elections between 1854 and 1998 are analyzed from a historical perspective. Whereas in the latter three-fourths of the nineteenth century the president's party lost, on average, 22% of its share of House seats, in the twentieth century the average loss was 13%. Using district-level data, the author attributes the problematization of “midterm decline” to the growing power of incumbency (a consequence of the development of the Australian ballot), the decline in the number of partisanly competitive districts in open-seat elections, and the limitation, since 1912, of the size of the U.S. House of Representatives.

Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Charles Stewart

This book investigates the history of organizational politics in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1789 to the present. It argues that the history of how speakership elections developed was driven by a desire to establish an organizational cartel in the House. It examines the centrality of the party caucus for the organization of the House, and more specifically how the majority party came to own the chief House officers, especially the Speaker. It also discusses two themes about Congress and its role in the American political system: the construction of mass political parties in the early nineteenth century and the role that political parties play in guiding the agenda of Congress today. This chapter provides an overview of the data and methods used by the book as well as the chapters that follow.


Author(s):  
Kathryn S. Olmstead

Although many Americans believe that conspiratorial thinking is reaching new heights in the twenty-first century, conspiracy theories have been commonplace throughout U.S. history. In the colonial and early republic eras, Americans feared that Catholics, Jews, Masons, Indians, and African Americans were plotting against them. In the nineteenth century they added international bankers, rich businessmen, and Mormons to the list of potential conspirators. In the twentieth century, conspiracy theories continued to evolve, and many Americans began to suspect the U.S. government itself of plotting against them. These theories gained more credibility after the revelation of real government conspiracies, notably CIA assassination plots, the Watergate scandal, and the Iran–-Contra affair.


2012 ◽  
Vol 82 (4) ◽  
pp. 566-580 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl A. Ramos

This article explores the usefulness of Chicano/a history to teaching and representing the nineteenth-century history of northern Mexico, U.S. imperial expansion, and the constructed nature of borders. Typically considered a twentieth-century discipline, Chicano/a historians have a long history of engaging the subject in the nineteenth century. This focus dovetails with recent critical works on race and gender in the U.S. West as well as transnational approaches to history. This article makes the case that the perspective on the nineteenth century provided by Chicano/a historians forces readers to reframe their understanding of the sweep of U.S. history.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
WALTER R. MEBANE ◽  
JASJEET S. SEKHON

Eligible voters have been coordinating their turnout and vote decisions for the House of Representatives in midterm elections. Coordination is a noncooperative rational expectations equilibrium. Stochastic choice models estimated using individual-level data from U.S. National Election Studies surveys of the years 1978–1998 support the coordinating model and reject a nonstrategic model. The coordinating model shows that many voters have incentives to change their votes between the presidential year and midterm after learning the outcome of the presidential election. But this mechanism alone does not explain the size of midterm cycles. The largest source of loss of support for the president's party at midterm is a regular pattern in which the median differences between the voters' ideal points and the parties' policy positions have become less favorable for the president's party than they were at the time of the presidential election (nonvoters show the same pattern). The interelection changes are not consistent with the theory of surge and decline.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rachel Morgan

For many decades, Argentina’s former populist President Juan Domingo de Perón has been frequently compared with the infamous nineteenth-century Federalist dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas. The official liberal historical perspective postulates that the Perón government was the ‘second tyranny’, the first being the notorious Rosas regime, but this assertion is problematic. Despite the evident parallels to be drawn, both men’s zealous supporters and archenemies use the similarities to reinforce their own political agendas. This thesis explores the plausible comparisons between Argentina’s most polemical political leaders, focusing on the literary representations of both figures in a series of nineteenth and twentieth-century fictional and historical works. Studying Rosas and Perón is even more significant in view of the striking similarities between their wives, who were instrumental in elevating their husbands to long-term political supremacy. Both women assumed unofficial roles in their spouses’ administrations and one, namely Eva Perón, is arguably Argentina’s most celebrated political icon. The parallels between both men and women have – strangely – never undergone literary treatment. This study provides the first comprehensive analysis of the four most controversial political figures who have influenced much of the historiography of Argentina.


1985 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. E. Taylor

Few archaeologists would dispute the suggestion that the introduction of 14C dating into archaeological research has had a profound influence on the way in which prehistoric studies are conducted. Glyn Daniel, for example, has gone so far as to rank the development of the 14C method in the twentieth-century with the discovery of the antiquity of the human species in the nineteenth-century (Daniel 1967:266). Despite the widespread acknowledgment of the significant role played by the 14C method in contemporary archaeological investigations, no comprehensive, critical, historical review of the specific intellectual history and substantive characteristics of this impact, particularly in American archaeology, has been published.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-212
Author(s):  
Probal Roy Chowdhury

In this article, we trace in two parts the changing community profile of boys studying in primary schools in Madras Presidency during the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. We first present a summary of the community profile of boys studying in the indigenous schools in the different linguistic regions of the Presidency as recorded in a detailed survey conducted by the Presidency government during 1822–25. We then discuss the growth of primary education in the Presidency under the new governmental education system during the period 1835–85. Our study is based on the annual Reports of the Department of Public Instruction (RDPI), which are available from the year 1855, the Census reports of 1871 and 1881, and the Report of the Education Commission of 1881. During 1883–90, the RDPI also give detailed district-level data that enables us to compile the community profile of boys studying in the primary schools in different linguistic regions of the Presidency for the year 1884–85 and compare it with the profile of boys studying in the indigenous schools in ca. 1825.


1986 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Campbell

The president's party consistently loses partisan control of state legislatures in midterm elections, a pattern similar to the loss of seats in the U.S. House of Representatives in midterms. This study examines presidential coattails as a possible explanation of these losses. Aggregate state legislative election outcomes between 1944 and 1984 in 41 states are examined. The analysis indicates that the president's party gains seats in presidential elections in proportion to the presidential vote in a state, and subsequently loses seats in midterm elections also in proportion to the prior presidential vote in the state. The presidential coattail and the midterm repercussion effects are evident even when gubernatorial coattail effects are introduced, but are fairly modest in states lacking competitive parties.


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