Keeping the Poor in Their Place: A 'Special Need' Under the Fourth Amendment for Mandatory Drug Testing of Welfare Recipients?

Author(s):  
Erick Tobias
2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-340
Author(s):  
Mary Jean Walker ◽  
James Franklin

Author(s):  
Peter Dorey

Upon becoming Conservative leader in December 2005, David Cameron spoke passionately about the need for the Party to move on from Thatcherism. In so doing, he alluded to the need for a more compassionate and constructive Conservatism, one which was more sympathetic to the poor, and which also wanted to foster a partnership with professionals in the public sector. However, following the 2008 financial crash, the Conservative Party's policies became increasingly hostile both to welfare recipients and the public sector, whereupon the need to cut public spending was repeatedly invoked to justify major cuts in welfare provision and further marketisation or privatisation of the public sector. Regardless of Cameron's initially emollient rhetoric and allusions to One Nation Toryism, the trajectory of key Conservative policies since 2010 has remained firmly within a Thatcherite paradigm. Conservative modernisation has quietly been abandoned.


2014 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER SKILLING ◽  
JESSICA McLAY

AbstractThe high level of academic, public and policy attention paid to the deservingness of the poor and (especially) of welfare recipients contrasts with the scant attention paid to the deservingness – or otherwise – of the rich. This discrepancy reflects socially dominant – but contestable – ideas about equality of opportunity and the role of individual merit within market systems. In this journal, Karen Rowlingson, Stewart Connor and Michael Orton have noted that wealth and riches have remained invisible as policy ‘problems’. This invisibility is socially important, in that policy efforts to address current, socially damaging, levels of economic inequality require attention to the deservingness of the rich, as well as of the poor. This article draws on recent survey data from New Zealand to provide new insights into public attitudes to the rich. It finds that the New Zealand public view the rich as more individually deserving of their outcomes than the poor are deserving of social assistance, and that attitudes towards the rich are related to redistributive sentiments at least as strongly as attitudes towards the poor. In concluding, the article reflects on the limitations of existing data sources and makes suggestions for future research.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-583
Author(s):  
I. Glasser

. . .Although it is normal for parents to love their children, it is not normal for society to love the socially helpless. Who loves the aged, the mentally ill, or the troubled children of the poor? Who loves welfare recipients or the residents of public housing? Abstractly, perhaps, society adopts a superficially charitable attitude toward these groups. But if one looks at what society does, and not at what it says, there is little love reflected. The record of public charity is an unloving record of punishment, degradation, humiliation, intrusion, and incarceration. If parents treated their children the way society treats the helpless, they would be cited for neglect and child abuse. The power of "lovability," which normally saves the child from disaster, has no precise social analogue. The varieties of social dependence, described in Dickens' novels and intrinsic to the modern American welfare state, have therefore resulted in profound violations of individual liberty. These violations were not explicitly anticipated by those who wrote our Constitution and its Bill of Rights. Dependence upon the institutions of caring establishes-for millions of people-a condition of fragility against encroachments of power, and benevolence is the mask that hides it. It is not that benevolence is itself mischievous or cynically to he regarded with mistrust. It is not benevolence we should abandon, but rather the naive faith that benevolence can mitigate the mischievousness of power so feared by those who wrote our Bill of Rights. We have traditionally been seduced into supposing that because they represented charity, service professionals could speak for the best interests of their clients.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 750-751
Author(s):  
Margaret Little

Workfare: Why Good Social Policy Ideas Go Bad, Maeve Quaid, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002, pp. 244This book begins with the premise that workfare, properly administered, is good social policy. The author dismisses the moral arguments surrounding this policy: i) that workfare distinguishes the deserving from the undeserving; ii) that workfare is a form of slavery, forcing the poor to work in order to survive; iii) that workfare creates important responsibility for the recipient; iv) that workfare safeguards welfare recipients' status as citizens able to fully participate in a democratic society. These are controversial moral assertions about the merits or demerits of workfare that the author refuses to address. Instead, the author, as an expert in organizational behaviour and human resource management, is interested in whether this policy meets the goals it establishes. If workfare is to lead recipients to greater job prospects then this is the measuring stick that should be used to assess the success of workfare, argues Maeve Quaid.


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