scholarly journals Democratic and Efficient Foreign Policy? Parliamentary Diplomacy and Oversight in the 21st Century and the Post-Lisbon Role of the European Parliament in Shaping and Controlling EU Foreign Policy

Author(s):  
PPter Bajtay
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-172
Author(s):  
Mohamad Rosyidin ◽  
Shary Charlotte H. Pattipeilohy

Indonesia’s foreign policy under Joko Widodo ‘Jokowi’ has significantly shifted compared with his predecessor’s era, especially regarding policies on regionalism. While former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono emphasises multilateralism with a particular focus on ASEAN, Jokowi’s administration tends to overlook ASEAN as a multilateral organization. The research investigates the causal root of the tendency by using the concept of ideas in foreign policy. The results argue that the diminished role of Indonesia in ASEAN, especially during the first term of Jokowi’s presidency, is strongly influenced by causal beliefs held by Indonesian political elites and presidential advisors. Despite varying from one individual to another, these ideas have similar characteristics in proposing that Indonesia should expand its concentric circle beyond ASEAN, arguing that ASEAN is intrinsically weak and thus can no longer accommodate Indonesian aspirations. This idea acts as a road map that defines Indonesia’s national interests amid international politics dynamics in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Beatrix Futák-Campbell

This chapter focuses on norms and the functions of norms in EU foreign policy. The analysis presented here offers an evaluation of the EU’s role as a normative power in the region, examining what EU practitioners understand as norms. It also offers insight in the context in which EU foreign policy is practiced through norms which in turn guide the practices of EU practitioners. The following patterns emerge from the data. First, how norms are constructed, what norms the EU can spread to its neighbours and how practitioners can urge neighbouring states to embrace these norms through the EU’s prescribed reform process. Second, practitioners’ attention shifts to the EU model of norms itself. They strive not only to make the specific EU model relevant but also attractive to the neighbours. In addition, they claim to have the necessary expertise to assist these countries to emulate this model. Third, practitioners address two sources of non-compliance: one is non-alignment with the EU model, and the second is the existence of a competing model, the Russian model, that does not quite meet EU standards of norms. Finally, practitioners put forward an all-encompassing EU-centric view that reveals a particular ethnocentric view.


Author(s):  
Michael E. Smith

This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.


Author(s):  
Carolyn Moser

This chapter deals with legal accountability arrangements in the context of EU peacebuilding activities carried out under the CSDP with a special focus on legality, access to justice, and monetary relief. It starts by illustrating why and how judicial actors were kept at a safe distance from EU foreign policy and security matters. The analysis then moves on to sketch out the limited function of national judicial actors in adjudicating matters pertaining to civilian CSDP. Subsequently, the chapter discusses the important role of the CJEU with regard to foreign policy issues (ie the implied and contingent jurisdictional competences of the Court), while concentrating on recent case law pertaining to civilian CSDP. Moreover, it measures the wider jurisdictional field, that is, the division of labour between the CJEU on the one hand, and national courts and the ECtHR on the other. Finally, the chapter draws some conclusions on the evolution and current state of legal accountability in civilian CSDP.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 144-160
Author(s):  
Luigi Gianniti ◽  
Nicola Lupo

Summary This contribution argues, counterintuitively, that the most important functions exercised by the European Parliament’s President are the external ones, which are expressly laid down in Rule 22(4) of the European Parliament’s Rules of Procedure. Among these, specific attention is devoted to the President’s ‘diplomatic functions’. This article analyses the presidencies of Jerzy Buzek and Martin Schulz and argues that these ‘diplomatic functions’ have been reinforced because of intensification of the European Union’s international activities as well as the European Parliament’s enhanced post-Lisbon Treaty powers in eu foreign policy. It is also observed that these functions are exercised differently depending on the personal and political preferences of each President. While Jerzy Buzek’s Presidency was oriented more towards the eastern European Union, the two consecutive Presidencies of Martin Schulz veered more towards the European Union’s south.


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