scholarly journals Regionalism under Challenge: Ideas and Joko Widodo’s Foreign Policy towards ASEAN, 2014-2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-172
Author(s):  
Mohamad Rosyidin ◽  
Shary Charlotte H. Pattipeilohy
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Concentric Circle ◽  
Causal Beliefs ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Road Map ◽  
Presidential Advisors ◽  
Multilateral Organization

Indonesia’s foreign policy under Joko Widodo ‘Jokowi’ has significantly shifted compared with his predecessor’s era, especially regarding policies on regionalism. While former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono emphasises multilateralism with a particular focus on ASEAN, Jokowi’s administration tends to overlook ASEAN as a multilateral organization. The research investigates the causal root of the tendency by using the concept of ideas in foreign policy. The results argue that the diminished role of Indonesia in ASEAN, especially during the first term of Jokowi’s presidency, is strongly influenced by causal beliefs held by Indonesian political elites and presidential advisors. Despite varying from one individual to another, these ideas have similar characteristics in proposing that Indonesia should expand its concentric circle beyond ASEAN, arguing that ASEAN is intrinsically weak and thus can no longer accommodate Indonesian aspirations. This idea acts as a road map that defines Indonesia’s national interests amid international politics dynamics in the 21st century.

Parliament as the Foreign Policy Actor: the Resources of the Parliamentary Diplomacy

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 316-321
Author(s):  
Boris I. Ananyev ◽  
Daniil A. Parenkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Conservative Approach ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Policy Actor ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Essential Idea ◽  
Per Se

The aim of the article is to show the role of parliament in the foreign policy within the framework of the conservative school of thought. The authors examine both Russian and Western traditions of conservatism and come to the conclusion that the essential idea of “the rule of the best” has turned to be one of the basic elements of the modern legislative body per se. What’s more, parliament, according to the conservative approach, tends to be the institution that represents the real spirit of the nation and national interests. Therefore the interaction of parliaments on the international arena appears to be the form of the organic communication between nations. Parliamentary diplomacy today is the tool that has the potential to address to the number of issues that are difficult to deal with within the framework of the traditional forms of IR: international security, challenges posed by new technologies, international sanctions and other.

The Perception of Russia in Europe in Context of Ukrainian Crisis

2015 ◽  
pp. 24-34
Author(s):  
N. Lapina
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Fruitful Cooperation ◽  
European Business ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

This article deals with the impact of various factors on the perception of Russia in different European countries. The focus is on the role of mass media, expert and political elites in forming of Russia's image, especially in the context of Ukrainian crisis. In this article, the reaction of different European counties to events in Ukraine, the polarization of European space is analyzed: some countries prefer to put a pressure on the Russian Federation, other – to find a way out of the critical situation and reach a compromise. Some political establishment representatives in France, Germany, Czech Republic support Russia and the reunification with Crimea, dispute sanctions against Russia. For such politicians, this support results from anti-American views and independent foreign policy aspirations. Other representatives of the European elite demand tougher approach and more pressure on Russia by any means whatsoever (including military ones). European business-communities reveal great interest in solving issues related to sanctions. Many entrepreneurs in Europe (in particular major corporations in France, UK, Germany, Italy), who profit from long and fruitful cooperation with Russia, are against anti-Russian sanctions. In view of the Ukrainian crisis, Russia has to face and solve various important issues. How can Russia implement a modernization project after burning all traditional bridges to the West and western friends and partners? What is the right way for Russian foreign policy to support and defend Russian-speaking people all over the world? Which European political forces can provide support to Russia? How can civil society affect and influence cooperation between Russia and Europe?

scholarly journals Vaclav Havel, Russia and Nato

2021 ◽  
pp. 166-180
Author(s):  
Ella ZADOROZHNYUK
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Czech Republic ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Vaclav Havel ◽  
The Third

The attitude of Vaclav Havel, the first head of the post-Communist Czech Republic, towards NATO went beyond just Atlanticism and included some reverence for the Atlantic bloc. Havel moralistically encouraged the bombing of Yugoslavia and the interventions in Iraq and Libya; he urged to bring NATO closely to Russian borders and to punish Russia for the USSR's sins and potential imperial ambitions. Such views, though not shared by most Czech citizens, have long defined foreign policy priorities of some Czech political elites. Their traces are being found at the brink of the third decade of the 21st century. However, Havel's approach, always in praise of NATO, has been recognized as futile even by his strong supporters.

La CEE e i paesi in via di sviluppo: le contraddizioni emerse dalla politica agricola (1957-1992)

2009 ◽  
pp. 37-46
Author(s):  
Giuliana Laschi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
External Action ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
European Policies ◽  
International Role

- The EEC doesn't have a proper foreign policy, so the international dimension of the Community has grown on a sui generis foreign policy, in which doesn't always coexist community and national interests. Given the intergovernmental nature of the external issues of the EEC, on international policy of the Community has been relevant the member states and their individual action in foreign policy. The international role of the EEC was not produced by overall political choices, but rather from external action of internal policies. Action that often produces and has produced incoherent results between the European policies of agriculture, trade and development cooperation, which are often in conflict with each other and thus threaten to undermine their potential positive effects. The policies analysed in historical perspective are able to outline not only the inside action of the Community as expression of the composition of national positions, but also the international aims of the EEC, even in the absence of a proper foreign policy.Parole chiave: Politiche della CEE, Studi storici sulla CEE, Politica agricola comune, Politica estera della CEE, Cooperazione allo sviluppo della CEE, Politiche incoerenti EEC Policies, EEC Historical Perspective, Common Agricultural Policy, EEC Foreign Policy, EEC Development Policy, EEC Incoherent Policies

scholarly journals Iranian Foreign Policy in the South Caucasus: Identity and National Interests

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-48
Author(s):  
Fatemeh Atrisangari
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Decision ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
The South ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Western Asia ◽  
Patterns Of Behavior

Any foreign policy decision of a country is formed on the basis of certain principles and norms that constitute the identity and determine the role of this country. In case with Iran, although the norms that form the identity of the Islamic Republic are diverse and each of them can determine the role of the country outside its geographical borders, none of these norms totally dominates Iran’s foreign policy. Iran is a country located within (or neighboring to) several strategic regions, and in each of these regions it demonstrates different foreign policy strategy based on different norms. For example, Iran’s foreign policy in Transcaucasia is determined by principles and norms which, in some cases, are similar to the principles and norms of Iran’s foreign policy in Western Asia and, in other cases, are different from them. These divergent patterns of behavior can be accounted for by two concepts: identity and national interests. The article aims at clarifying the role of identity in determining Iran’s national interests in Transcaucasia and studies Iran’s foreign policy in the region within the mentioned framework. At the same time, the article seeks to examine the challenges associated with the principles and norms determining foreign policy, as well as identify the shortcomings of Iran’s foreign policy in the Transcaucasian region.

scholarly journals The Role of the Elites in Choosing the Foreign Policy Priorities of the Baltic States

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 603-616
Author(s):  
Vadim A. Smirnov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Baltic Countries ◽  
Political Interaction ◽  
The Baltic

The author analyzed the role of the elites of the Baltic countries in the choice of foreign policy priorities in the period after the declaration of independence. The process of determining the course towards the Euro-Atlantic is inscribed in the sub-regional context, taking into account the current Russian-Baltic political interaction. The study of power groups was carried out on the basis of an examination of large-scale socio-political transformations along with an analysis of individual practices. A comprehensive study of the transformation of the political elites of Baltic states as small countries, involves consideration of both the domestic and foreign policy aspects. The thesis is put forward that, despite a number of differences in the Baltic states, since the 1990s there were similar processes of transformation of political elites. The elite formation was due to the principle of state continuity as continuity with the pre-war regimes of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and as a break with the Soviet period, including the EuroAtlantic course as the key priority of the foreign policy. The consolidation of deep divisions in the societies of the Baltic states - ethnic, linguistic, political - was the result of the elite struggle for power in the 1990s. After the implementation of the idea of Back to the West the elites of the Baltic states replaced it with a Russian threat, which made it possible to postpone overcoming internal divisions fraught with weakening of their power.

scholarly journals THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES: THE RESULTS OF 30 YEARS OF DEVELOPMENT

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Resource Potential ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

After gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian states, which had no experience in conducting independent foreign policy activities, began to build their own foreign policy coordinate system and develop its conceptual framework. Given their unique geopolitical position and diverse resource potential, the regional states preferred to pursue an open and multi-vector foreign policy, which allowed them to realize their national interests. With regard to the transformational processes in global politics and economy, as well as the geopolitical characteristics of their states, the political elites of the regional states have developed their own approaches to foreign policy. The article analyzes the doctrinal foundations of the Central Asian countries’ foreign policy, and the influence of global factors on the foreign policy formation of the regional states and intraregional cooperation.

Chinese Foreign Policy: Pragmatism and Strategic Behavior. Edited by Suisheng Zhao. [Armonk, NY and London: M.E. Sharpe, 2004. 319 pp. $26.95. ISBN 0-7656-1285-2.]

2004 ◽  
Vol 180 ◽  
pp. 1095-1097
Author(s):  
Patrick Belton
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Strategic Behavior ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Chinese Nationalism ◽  
Fresh Material ◽  
The Government ◽  
Rising Power

Suisheng Zhao has assembled this volume from articles recently published in the Journal of Contemporary China, which he edits. Its chapters cover recognizable terrain for political scientists: whether China, as a rising power, will seek to maximize its relative or absolute gains; the likelihood its increasing power will tend towards status-quo or belligerent lines; and the degree of Chinese ‘exceptionalism’ when compared with other countries. As the subtitle might suggest, the contributions present China in a favourable light, stressing how China's leaders have spurned ideological purism for the pragmatic weighing of national interests, with only nationalism to serve as a double-edged sword by conferring legitimacy on the government, but potentially also taking it away. The assertion that strategic calculations govern Chinese foreign policy contrasts with other interpretations, such as those of David Lampton in Same Bed, Different Dreams, who assigns a large role to domestic politics, or Peter Gries in Understanding Chinese Nationalism, who highlights the constraining role of nationalist ideology on the ability of China's leaders to de-escalate crises with other countries. Zhao's contribution lies less in defending the assertion of pragmatism against those competing perspectives and more in drawing upon it in offering fresh material.

scholarly journals The Ideological Influence of the Communist Party of China on the Communist Party of Vietnam

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (7) ◽  
pp. 64-70
Author(s):  
M. Terskikh
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Communist Party Of China ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Ideological Influence ◽  
Similarities And Differences

The article focuses on the peculiarities of Vietnam’s position in the orbit of the ideological and theoretical influence of China. The author examines the most important party documents of both states, reveals their main similarities and differences. The author concludes that Hanoi scrupulously studies, critically assesses, and actively uses the experience of Chinese economic and political reforms. The party and state leadership of Vietnam, when carrying out major transformations of recent decades, was directly guided by the successful experience of their Chinese colleagues. This led to the situation where today’s political systems of Vietnam and China are quite similar, but still are not (and will never be) twin brothers. At the same time, the countries developed a wide network of inter-party contacts which is used not only as an instrument of exchanging views on adapting Marxism-Leninism to current realities, but also as an additional and mutually beneficial channel of communication on a wide range of issues. Despite this, the similarity of the political systems does not necessarily lead to a change in foreign policy. China has an impressive array of tools to influence its southern neighbor, but their ideological closeness is definitely not the most important of them. It is concluded that the role of ideology in Vietnam’s policy, although it remains noticeable, is significantly inferior to the role of national interests and pragmatic views.

scholarly journals The Role of non-Western Countries in the Construction of Russian Great Powerness: The Cases of Turkey and Israel

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 517-528
Author(s):  
Ebru Birinci ◽  
Ali Emre Sucu ◽  
Ivan Alekseevich Safranchuk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
English Literature ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The West ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Policy Tool ◽  
Power Construction

This article contributes to the study of Russian great powerness, focusing on the potential of the Russian-Turkish and Russian-Israeli relations to influence the construction of Russias great power status in a multipolar world. Based upon Russian and English literature dedicated to the study of great power concept and Russian great powerness, authors adopt analytic eclecticism for the theoretical framework of the study. In this regard, for a comprehensive understanding of Russian great powerness, both constructivism with its focus on identity, and neorealism stressing national interests, security, and power, are applied. The authors actively employ the official documents, international agreements, statements of government officials, and official declarations. As a result, the study examines to what extent bilateral relations with Turkey and Israel, the Wests traditional non-Western allies, can contribute to the construction of Russian great power identity. For this purpose, first of all, the factors of Russian great power construction and its role in Russian foreign policy are examined. After addressing the efficiency of great power status as a foreign policy tool, the development of Russian-Turkish and Russian-Israeli relations are discussed. It is concluded that Russia has developed strategically significant relations with Turkey and Israel despite the deteriorated relations with the West, and the development of these relations has supported the consolidation of Russias great power status at the international and regional levels. Furthermore, the study suggests that Russian-Turkish and Russian-Israeli bilateral relations can enable Russia to strengthen its great power status vis--vis the West via cooperation and competition and contribute to the construction of a multipolar world.

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