Thoughts on How China and Russia Can Work Together to Prevent "Color Revolutions"

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (004) ◽  
pp. 20-38
Author(s):  
Wang Chensheng
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-453
Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov

Abstract The phenomenon of color revolutions has occupied a prominent place in Russian politics for a good reason. The major threat of color revolutions as modern political warfare designed by Western countries deeply affected the political process in Russia since 2005. It may have appeared that the imperative of resisting them was the result of a non-democratic regime reacting to neighboring countries’ uprisings. Some portrayed it as authoritarian learning. This paper suggests that the counteractions stemmed from the interests of disunited Russian elite groups who were seeking opportunities to reinforce their dominance and capitalize on the idea of significant external threats. The phenomenon reshaped the balance within elite groups and led to the consolidation of law enforcement networks on the eve of Putin’s third term. Further, the prevailing perception of color revolutions discouraged any elite splits that could lead to proto-democratic rules.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Dima Kortukov

Abstract The concept of sovereign democracy dominated the political discourse in Russia in 2006–8 but lost much of its significance since. In this article, I argue that sovereign democracy is best understood as the response of Russia’s authorities to the threats of democratization, following Eurasian color revolutions. I distinguish between three conceptually distinct aspects of sovereign democracy: (1) a social contract (2) a legitimation discourse; and (3) a counter-revolutionary praxis. These dimensions allow us to understand what functions sovereign democracy fulfilled within the framework of Russia’s authoritarian regime and why it lost its prominence over time.


Author(s):  
Anna Igorevna Filimonova

After the collapse of the USSR, fundamentally new phenomena appeared on the world arena, which became a watershed separating the bipolar order from the monopolar order associated with the establishment of the US global hegemony. Such phenomena were the events that are most often called «revolutions» in connection with the scale of the changes being made — «velvet revolutions» in the former Eastern Bloc, as well as revolutions of a different type, which ended in a change in the current regimes with such serious consequences that we are also talking about revolutionary transformations. These are technologies of «color revolutions» that allow organizing artificial and seemingly spontaneous mass protests leading to the removal of the legitimate government operating in the country and, in fact, to the seizure of power by a pro-American forces that ensure the Westernization of the country and the implementation of "neoliberal modernization", which essentially means the opening of national markets and the provision of natural resources for the undivided use of the Western factor (TNC and TNB). «Color revolutions» are inseparable from the strategic documents of the United States, in which, from the end of the 20th century, even before the collapse of the USSR, two main tendencies were clearly traced: the expansion of the right to unilateral use of force up to a preemptive strike, which is inextricably linked with the ideological justification of «missionary» American foreign policy, and the right to «assess» the internal state of affairs in countries and change it to a «democratic format», that is, «democratization». «Color revolutions», although they are not directly mentioned in strategic documents, but, being a «technical package of actions», straightforwardly follow from the right, assigned to itself by Washington, to unilateral use of force, which is gradually expanding from exclusively military actions to a comprehensive impact on an opponent country, i.e. essentially a hybrid war. Thus, the «color revolutions» clearly fit into the strategic concept of Washington on the use of force across the entire spectrum (conventional and unconventional war) under the pretext of «democratization». The article examines the period of registration and expansion of the US right to use force (which, according to the current international law, is a crime without a statute of limitations) in the time interval from the end of the twentieth century until 2014, filling semantic content about the need for «democratic transformations» of other states, with which the United States approached the key point of the events of the «Arab spring» and «color revolutions» in the post-Soviet space, the last and most ambitious of which was the «Euromaidan» in Ukraine in 2014. The article presents the material for the preparation of lectures and seminars in the framework of the training fields «International Relations» and «Political Science».


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
pp. 415-449
Author(s):  
Vecih Cüzdan ◽  
Nazlı Koca

The Lebanese lands, which hosted many different ethnic and religious identities under the Ottoman Empire's rule, could not bring together the plural and distinctive differences within it on common ground. The most crucial factor for the lack of common ground is the Mutasarrifate system established with the interference of France and other European states under the Ottoman rule in the country. The Mutasarrifate system's institutionalization and the building of administrative changes on this system in Lebanon's historical breaking moments brought the fragmented structure to the present day. As a result, this political system based on ethnic and religious differences prevented a Lebanese state citizen identity based on common rights and responsibilities. In the continuation and afterward of the demonstrations that started right after the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri in Lebanon in 2005, a broad social consensus ground could not be established. Considered as the reflection of color revolutions in the Middle East, the Cedar Revolution could not produce more democratic and inclusive results as claimed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (06) ◽  
pp. 50-3492-50-3492
Keyword(s):  

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-148
Author(s):  
Багдасарян ◽  
Vardan Bagdasaryan

The presented article analyzes the transformation of historical consciousness in modern Ukraine. The feedback factor of realized historical politics and the Ukrainian Revolution in 2014 is proved. Management of historical consciousness is defined as the most important factor in the formation of the political process. The problem of split of identities in Ukraine is considered through the prism of perception of the history. On the basis of the Ukrainian experience the threat of "color revolutions" in Russia is indicated while ignoring the issues related to the historical consciousness of Russians. The connection of world historiographical discourse and geopolitical challenges of our time is reconstructed.


Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie Bunce

From 1998 to 2005, six elections took place in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that led to the defeat of authoritarian incumbents or their anointed successors, the empowerment of opposition forces, and, thereafter, the introduction of democratic reforms. Because Putin's regime closely resembles those regimes that were successfully challenged by these dramatic changes in politics, Russia is a logical candidate for such a “color revolution,” as these electoral turnovers have been termed. Moreover, the color revolutions have demonstrated an ability to spread among countries, including several that border Russia. However, the case for a color revolution in Russia is mixed. On the one hand, the many costs of personalized rule make Putin's Russia vulnerable. On the other hand, Putin has been extraordinarily effective at home and abroad in preempting the possibility of an opposition victory in Russian presidential and parliamentary elections.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document