De stagnatie van de voorlkeurstemmen op 13 december 1987

Res Publica ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-71
Author(s):  
Erwin Das
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Electoral District ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Parties

At the general elections in Belgium, the voter has the possibility to bring out a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote). At the general elections of December 13, 1987, for the House of Representatives, the voters have voted for 48 % by preference, whereas, for the Senate 38 % of them have done so. The evolution is still stagnating. The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district toanother: from 65 % in the district of Tongeren-Maaseik to 33 % in Mechelen.There is also a difference from one politica! party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the  Christian-democratic parties : 60 % ; the lowest by the ecologists: 23 %.The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely. This is not only as a result of their popularity, but also of their political position and rendering of services.Preferential voting is characteristic to politically conscious voters.

De personale keuze bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 24 november 1991

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-173
Author(s):  
Erwin Das
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Electoral District ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Parties

At the general elections in Belgium, the voter bas the possibility to bring out a vote fora party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote).  At the general elections of November 24, 1991, for the House of Representatives, the voters have voted for 48% by preference, whereas, for the Senate 41 % of them have done so. The evolution is stagnating.  The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district to another: from 62% in the district of Tongeren-Maaseik to 34% in Mechelen.There is also a difference from one political party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the christian-democratic parties: 58%; the lowest by the last remaining communists: 27%.The preferential v'ótes individual candidates obtain differ widely. This is not only a result of their popularity, but also of their political position, rendering of services and media-attraction. Preferential voting is characteristic to politically conscious voters.

Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 13 oktober 1985

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-260
Author(s):  
Mieke Verminck
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Electoral District ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Parties

At the genera! elections in Belgium, the voter bas the possibility to bring out a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote). At the general elections of October 13, 1985, for the House of Representatives, the voters have voted for 48 % by preference, whereas, for the Senate 38 % of them have done so.  The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district to another: from 66 % in the district of Oudenaarde to 34 % in Mechelen.There is also a difference from one politica! party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the christian-democratic parties : 58 % ; the lowest by the ecologists: 22 %.The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely, pointing out not only their popularity but also to a certain extend their political power.

Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 17 december 1978

Res Publica ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-341
Author(s):  
Mark Deweerdt
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Electoral District ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
General Elections

At the general elections in Belgium, the voter has the possibility to bring out either a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote). At the general elections of December 17, 1978 for the House of Representatives the voters have voted for 51,86 % by preference, whereas for the Senate 41,82 % of them have done so.  The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district toanother: from 68,30 % in the district of Oudenaarde to 35,74 % in Bergen. There is also a difference from one political party to another.  The highest percentage is obtained by the CVP-PSC (catholic party) :61,12 % ; the lowest by the KPB-PCB (communist party) : 27,34 %.  The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely, pointing out not only their popularity but also to a certain extend their political power.

De personale keuze bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 1 7 april 1977

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 515-528
Author(s):  
Mark Deweerdt
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Electoral District ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
General Elections

At the general elections, the Belgian voter has the possibility to bring out either a vote for a party (a liste-vote) or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote) . At the general elections of April 17, 1977 for the House of Representatives the voters have voted for 50,26 % by preference, whereas for the Senate 40,65 % of them have done so.The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district to another: from 69,96 % in the district of Oudenaarde to 32,85 % in Bergen.  There is also a difference from one political party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the PW-PLP (liberal party) : 59,51 % ; the lowest by the KPB-PCB (communist party) : 30,14 %. The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely, pointing out not only their popularity but also to a certain extend their political  power.

Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen : Een terreinverkenning in de provincie Limburg

Res Publica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Johan Ackaert
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
Election System ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Home Department ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The One ◽  
Local Councillors

There is only few information available about the use of preferential votes at local elections, since the Belgian Home Department does not publish that particular statistical material.  This article registers the size of preferential voting and discusses its consequences for the local political system, based on statistical data collected in the 43 municipalities of the Limburg province where local elections were held in 1988.Nearly 9 of the 10 voters used the preferential vote to express their choice. This is a much higher level than the one noticed at the general elections. The use of preferential votes is varying according to the size of the municipalities (more preferential votes in the smaller ones) and differs from one party to another (f.e. 92.7 % for the christian-democratic parties to 47.1 % for the radical left) .The local election system and the size of preferential votes at local elections explain why nearly 7 of the 10 local councillors broke through the order of the candidate-list. For the comparison, this occured only twice at the 1991 general elections.

De standenvertegenwoordiging in de Christelijke Volkspartij en de Parti Social Chrétien

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-127
Author(s):  
Jozef Smits
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Structure ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Political Position ◽  
New Methods ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
General Elections

The in 1945 established Christian Social Party (The Flemish CVP and the French speaking PSC) showed some important differences in comparison with the prewar Catholic Party. The structure of the CVP-PSC was unitary, based upon individual membership instead of the prewar federation of « estates » (standen) . With this unitary structure, the founding fathers of the CVP-PSC tried to avoid the conflicts between the estates, a permanent cause of criticism and disurtity in the Catholic Partyduring the interwar period. In spite of the new organizational structure of the CVP-PSC, new methods of informal recognition of the estates were introduced for the aggregation of their claims and their representation within the party.The way this informal recognition of the estates in the CVP-PSC was solved, is briefly described in the first part of this article. Subsequent to the survey of the evolution of the political position of the estates and their relation to the CVP-PSC, the composition of the lists of candidates in the CVP-PSC for the general elections of 8 november 1981 is discussed.  Special attention is paid to the balancing in number and the ranking ofcandidates from the estates. Finally, the representation of the estates in the parliamentary group of the CVP-PSC is calculated for the general elections of 1974, 1977, 1978 and 1981.

The Nigerian elections of 1983

Africa ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Hart
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The State ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
National Party ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Root Cause ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Conservative Coalition ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

AbstractIn 1979 Nigeria's military government held the first general elections for fifteen years. The politicians then resumed power under a republican constitution. The National Party of Nigeria, a conservative coalition, narrowly won the elections from four other parties and virtually controlled the next elections in 1983. There were five election rounds: for the President, for nine-teen state governers, for the Senate, for the House of Representatives and for the state assemblies. Increases over the 1979 vote in the presidential round indicated some rigging. Results in the following rounds were incredible. The root cause was northern reluctance within the National Party to honour an agreement to a southern presidential candidate at the next elections in 1987 and southern competition for the 1987 nomination. After the elections the courts failed to redress the rigging and the President to purge corrupt Ministers. The military then overthrew the government and resumed control.

scholarly journals Ketentuan Hukum Perbandingan sistem Pengawasan Terhadap Anggota Lembaga Parlemen Dibeberapa negara

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Patawari Patawari ◽  
Isnanto Bidja
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Social Selection ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Better Than

Pelaksanaan tugas dan fungsinya anggota parlemen, diperlukan adanya ketentuan pengawasan terhada anggota pada lembaga parlemen, sehingga di dalam menjalankan fungsinya maka anggota DPR berkesesuaian antara perencanaan, tugas dan fungsinya, dan tujuan yang hendak dicapai. Maka tentunya pengawas tersebut adalah memiliki kompetensi yang cukup untuk memahami tugas dan fungsi anggota DPR (yang diawasi). Paling tidak, sebagai pengawas lebih memahami dari pada tugas dan fungsi anggota DPR, hal tersebut yang dimaksud dengan kompetensi. Sedangkan kompetensi dapat tercipta dari proses akademik, pengalaman dan suatu kewenangan yang diberikan. Anggota dalam lembaga Parlemen, merupakan orang orang yang direkrut oleh  partai politik untuk menjadi anggota parlemen, melalui proses seleksi sosial (konstituen)  yang dipilih melalui pemilihan umum, hingga terpilih dan diberikan tugas dan fungsinya dan bekerja secara kolektifitas dengan ketentuan, yang memegang kekuasaan dalam pementukan perundang undangan, melakukan pengawasan dan melaksanakan fungsi budgeting. The implementation of the duties and functions of parliamentarians requires the provision of oversight to members of parliamentary institutions, so that in carrying out their functions the members of the House of Representatives agree between their planning, duties and functions, and the objectives to be achieved. Then of course these supervisors have sufficient competence to understand the duties and functions of DPR members (supervised). At the very least, as supervisors understand better than the duties and functions of DPR members, this is meant by competence. While competence can be created from the academic process, experience and a given authority. Members in the Parliamentary institution, are people who are recruited by political parties to become members of parliament, through a process of social selection (constituents) elected through general elections, to be elected and given their duties and functions and work collectively with the provisions, who hold power in the formation legislation, supervise and carry out the budgeting function.

scholarly journals Social Capital as the Key to the Female Legislative Members’ Success in East Nusa Tenggara’s Regional House of Representatives during the 2014 General Elections

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Audra Jovani ◽  
◽  
Febriyanti Valeria Roito
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Social Capital Theory ◽  
Capital Theory ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Patriarchal Culture ◽  
Depth Interview ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Local Leaders

This study elaborates how several female legislative candidates succeeded in being elected during the 2014 General Elections for the 2014-2019 period, and is based on the journey of six female candidates who managed to secure a seat in East Nusa Tenggara's Regional House of Representatives. This study uses Robert Putnam's social capital theory and Claudia Derich, Andrea Fleschenberg, and Momoyo Hustebeck's moral capital theory. Qualitative in nature, the findings of this study are gathered through an in-depth interview with these women. It reveals how patriarchal culture ingrained in men (husbands and fathers), specifically those who are influential public figures, cultural figures, politicians, and local leaders were used by these six women to gain support and secure their place in the parliament. As a form of social capital, these women's close ties with male elites led, not only to their election, but also resulted in the highest number of women elected in East Nusa Tenggara's Legislative Body. Compared to the 2009 General elections, the number rose by a hundred percent.

scholarly journals Social Capital as the Key to the Female Legislative Members’ Success in East Nusa Tenggara’s Regional House of Representatives during the 2014 General Elections

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audra Jovani ◽  
Febriyanti Valeria Roito
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Social Capital Theory ◽  
Capital Theory ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Patriarchal Culture ◽  
Depth Interview ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Local Leaders

This study elaborates how several female legislative candidates succeeded in being elected during the 2014 General Elections for the 2014-2019 period, and is based on the journey of six female candidates who managed to secure a seat in East Nusa Tenggara's Regional House of Representatives. This study uses Robert Putnam's social capital theory and Claudia Derich, Andrea Fleschenberg, and Momoyo Hustebeck's moral capital theory. Qualitative in nature, the findings of this study are gathered through an in-depth interview with these women. It reveals how patriarchal culture ingrained in men (husbands and fathers), specifically those who are influential public figures, cultural figures, politicians, and local leaders were used by these six women to gain support and secure their place in the parliament. As a form of social capital, these women's close ties with male elites led, not only to their election, but also resulted in the highest number of women elected in East Nusa Tenggara's Legislative Body. Compared to the 2009 General elections, the number rose by a hundred percent.

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