scholarly journals Desertie naar de vijand in het Belgische frontleger tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Deel 1

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-67
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Front Line ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Auditor General ◽  
First World

Over het aantal Belgische militairen dat tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog aan het IJzerfront naar de Duitse vijand deserteerde is al veel geschreven. Dit gebeurde dan telkens op basis van secondaire bronnen, zoals de akte van beschuldiging in het strafproces van Adiel Debeuckelaere, de cijfers die Minister van Justitie Émile-Paul Janson op 6 november 1928 in de Kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers meedeelde, een Duits rapport van 1918 en de cijfers die auditeur-generaal John Gillissen over dat onderwerp vermeldde in een artikel over de Belgische militaire gerechtelijke organisatie tussen 1830 en 1981. Hoewel de desertie naar de vijand in de eerste plaats een militair-strafrechtelijk probleem was, vond tot nog toe geen enkele historicus het nodig om hierover de archieven van de militaire gerechtelijke instanties exhaustief te raadplegen. Het gevolg was dat de begrippen gesignaleerde overlopers, strafrechtelijk vervolgde overlopers, vrijgesproken overlopers, gestrafte overlopers en voortvluchtige overlopers in de historische literatuur over de Belgische desertie naar de Duitse vijand door elkaar werden gebruikt met alle gevolgen van dien. In de hiernavolgende studie worden deze begrippen wel nauwkeurig onderscheiden, waardoor het voor het eerst mogelijk werd om te analyseren wat het militair strafrecht toen precies onder desertie naar de vijand verstond, hoeveel Belgische militairen er precies voor dat misdrijf strafrechtelijk vervolgd werden en hoeveel er hiervan naderhand buitenvervolging werden gesteld, werden vrijgesproken, werden gestraft of voortvluchtig bleven. Op basis van deze laatste cijfers wordt dan precies worden nagegaan tot welke legerafdelingen en linieregimenten de militairen behoorden die werden gestraft wegens desertie naar de vijand, van welke gemeente zij afkomstig waren, welke beroepen zij uitoefenden en hoe zwaar zij precies werden gestraft. __________ Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front line during the First World War. Part 1 Much has already been written about the number of Belgian military who deserted to the German enemy at the front line along the IJzer during the First World War. These descriptions were always based on secondary sources, like the bill of indictment in the criminal process against Adiel Debeuckelaere, the figures stated by Minister of Justice Émile-Paul Janson in the Chamber of Representatives on 6 November 1928, a German report of 1918, as well as the figures about the subject listed by the auditor-general John Gillissen in an article about the Belgian military legal organisation between 1830 and 1981. Although the desertion to the enemy was in the first place a problem of military criminal law, until the present no historian has felt the need to research the subject exhaustively in the archives of the military legal institutions. The result of this was that concepts such as signalled defectors, defectors prosecuted in criminal proceedings, acquitted defectors, punished defectors and defectors on the run are used mixed together in the historical literature about the Belgian desertion to the German enemy with all the consequences that will entail. However, in the following study these concepts are carefully distinguished from each other. This allows us to analyse how military criminal law defined desertion to the enemy exactly, precisely how many Belgian military were prosecuted for that crime, and for how many of them the prosecution was stopped later, how many were cleared, were punished or remained on the run. Based on the latter figures it is established to which exact army departments and line regiments those military belonged who were punished for defection to the enemy, from which municipality they originated, what their professions were and what level of punishment they received.

A New History for a New Channel: The Great War and the Launch of BBC2

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taylor Downing
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
Front Line ◽  
Television History ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World ◽  
Intense Debate ◽  
Do So

This article considers the making of the BBC2 series, The Great War, and examines issues around the treatment and presentation of the First World War on television, the reception of the series in 1964 and its impact on the making of television history over the last fifty years. The Great War combined archive film with interviews from front-line soldiers, nurses and war workers, giving a totally new feel to the depiction of history on television. Many aspects of The Great War were controversial and raised intense debate at the time and have continued to do so ever since.

De Brusselse vereniging De Veldbloem zoekt toenadering tot Hendrik Conscience. Twee pas ontdekte brieven

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-289
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
De Man ◽  
First World

Het wordt in de historiografie van de Vlaamse beweging aanvaard dat Hendrik Conscience door de Brusselse progressieve vereniging ‘De Veldbloem’ in 1872 werd gevraagd om te kandideren voor de parlementaire verkiezingen. Conscience zou dat geweigerd hebben. Dit is uiteraard geen onbetekenend feit in de biografie van de man die ‘zijn volk leerde lezen’.Dit gegeven is terug te voeren op de geschriften van Antoon Jacob (°1889) van na de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Jacob werd beschouwd als een autoriteit inzake Conscience. Maar waar is het bewijs? Hij verwees daarbij naar “uitvoerige correspondentie” maar die is niet te vinden. Het ADVN slaagde erin om de archivalische nalatenschap van de in 1947 gestorven Jacob te verwerven. Daarin bleken heel wat brieven van en aan Conscience te zitten. De briefwisseling met ‘De Veldbloem’ was onderwerp van deze bijdrage. Daarin is geen spoor te vinden van de poging om Conscience op het politieke strijdtoneel te brengen in Brussel. Daarbij moet de vraag gesteld worden hoe Jacob deze archiefstukken verzamelde en wat ermee is gebeurd tijdens zijn turbulente leven en talrijke omzwervingen. Het is best mogelijk dat er een en ander is verloren gegaan. Toch is deze nalatenschap een belangrijke aanwinst voor de studie van de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging en die van Conscience in het bijzonder. ________ The Brussels association ‘De Veldbloem’ seeks contact with Hendrik Conscience. Two recently discovered letters It is an accepted fact in the historiography of the Flemish Movement that the Brussels progressive Association ‘De Veldbloem’ [=the Wildflower] asked Hendrik Conscience in 1872 to be their candidate for the parliamentary elections. It is said that Hendrik Conscience refused the request. This is of course a very significant fact in the biography of the man ‘who taught his people to read.’ This information may be inferred from the writings of Antoon Jacob (°1889) from the period after the First World War. Jacob was regarded as an authority on Conscience. But where is the evidence of this? In his claim, he referred to ‘extensive correspondence’, but that correspondence is not extant. The ADVN managed to acquire the archival legacy of Jacob who died in 1947. It turned out that it included quite a number of letters to and from Conscience. The exchange of letters with ‘De Veldbloem’ was the subject of this contribution. It contains no trace of the attempt to bring Conscience into the political arena in Brussels. It raises the question how Jacob collected these archival documents and what happened to them during his turbulent life and his many peregrinations.  It is certainly possible that some documents have been lost. However, this legacy is still an important acquisition for the study of the history of the Flemish Movement and of Conscience in particular.

VI. Lord Bryce and the First World War

1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith G. Robbins
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Look Back ◽  
University Life ◽  
The Subject ◽  
First World ◽  
Life Politics

James Bryce considered that 1914 would be a satisfying year. He had just been created a viscount and, at the age of seventy-six, could look back on a career of distinction in university life, politics and diplomacy. He could continue to write books and indulge in correspondence with his friends. In fact, the books were not written and his correspondence became very practical. The tension in Europe in the summer of 1914 caused many people to ask him for advice on the best course of action. What, in particular, were Liberals to do? Some M.P.s were talking of peace demonstrations to keep Britain out of European war, but Bryce hesitated. On the evening of 31 July, the matter was discussed with J. A. Spender who noted that ‘… Bryce … strongly advised not to join this demonstration. He agreed that violation of Belgium would be casus belli.’ When Belgium was violated, Bryce was committed to the war but his commitment was reluctant, hesitant and with foreboding. The consequences of his decision are the subject of this article.

THE ROLE OF ENGLAND IN THE FORMATION OF THE PROTO-STATEHOOD OF THE IRAQI KURDS AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR (1918–1920) IN THE MANDATE TERRITORIES FORM

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-191
Author(s):  
Kirill V. Vertyaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Iraqi Kurdistan ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
First World

The article develops the stadial formation thesis of the proto-statehood among the Iraqi Kurds. The concept of national identity of the Iraqi Kurds remains the subject of a complex and long-lasting discussion. The main obstacle for the emergence of the Kurdish integral nationalism is still the fact that the Kurds speak different dialects of Kurdish language, and still maintain political and inter-clan conflicts over the distribution of power (not to mention the futility of any attempts to define political boundaries of Iraqi Kurdistan). Ironically, Great Britain faced practically the same contradictions during its occupation of Mesopotamia at the end of the WWI (following the Mudros armistice in October 1918), when British attempts to create an independent Kurdish state failed for a number of reasons, which are discussed in the article. In our opinion, this period was responsible for the formation of proto-statehood in Kurdish area (Kingdom of Kurdistan, for example, obtained classic characteristics of a chiefdom, but at the same time had a vivid anti-colonial, anti-imperialist orientation). The phenomenology of the British government’s political relations with such ‘quasi-states’ presents the subject for this article’s analysis.

Origins

2018 ◽  
pp. 13-38
Author(s):  
Anthony Rimmington
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Biological Warfare ◽  
World War ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Military Medical Academy ◽  
Medical Academy ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Red Army ◽  
First World ◽  
Main Strand

Although unprecedented in scale and ambition, Stalin’s offensive biological warfare program was not an isolated phenomenon. It can instead be viewed as a response to, and extension of, the biological sabotage programs pursued during the First World War by Germany. During the nearly three-decade period of Stalin’s leadership (1924-1953), two distinct, and highly compartmentalized, components of the Soviet Union’s offensive biological warfare program are in evidence. The main strand was launched by the Red Army in Moscow in 1926 and is very well-documented with numerous archival and secondary sources available. There is in addition a second, earlier and much more ephemeral strand, which is based in Leningrad, which was mainly concealed within the RSFSR People’s Commissariat of Health (RSFSR Narkomzdrav) and the Red Army’s Military-Medical Academy.

The Development of Military Aviation in Australia

1964 ◽  
Vol 68 (637) ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
W. H. Garing
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
List Type ◽  
World War ◽  
Profound Influence ◽  
Military Aviation ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World

Because two world wars have exerted such a profound influence on military aviation I have chosen to treat the subject under the following headings:The BeginningThe First World War.The Inter-War Years.The Second World War.From 1945 to the present.The Future.Under each heading I will endeavour to outline the developments and changes in technology and rôle which have taken place, and to indicate the effects these were to have upon each succeeding period.

III Woolton at the Ministry of Food

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-70
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Home Front ◽  
Food Control ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World

The Ministry of Food was essentially created during the War, and survived until it was reabsorbed into the Ministry of Agriculture in 1958. It has been the subject of extensive popular and scholarly interest as part of research into the management of the Second World War on the Home Front. Lessons about food control had been learned from the experiences of the First World War, which were consciously applied to this war. This was in part because so many of the men had been involved in that conflict in some way, including Woolton himself. They had personal memories of what had worked well then, but were also very aware of the mistakes that had been made, which they did not wanted repeated. Woolton certainly was, as his ...

scholarly journals British Army Chaplains and Capital Courts-Martial in the First World War

2004 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 357-368
Author(s):  
Michael Snape
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
British Army ◽  
World War ◽  
Shell Shock ◽  
Firing Squad ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Subject ◽  
British Experience ◽  
Army Chaplains ◽  
First World

Of all the dark legends which have arisen out of the British experience of the First World War, perhaps none is more compelling than the fate of more than three hundred British, Dominion and Colonial soldiers who were tried and executed for military offences during the course of the conflict. Controversial at the time, these executions were the subject of much debate and official scrutiny in the inter-war period and, even today, the subject continues to have a bitter and painful resonance. Led by the Shot at Dawn Campaign, pressure for the rehabilitation of these men continues and the case for a millennium pardon was marked in June 2001 by the opening of an emotive memorial to them at the National Memorial Arboretum near Lichfield. However, this paper is not concerned with the justice of the proceedings which led to the deaths of these men. Whether due legal process was followed or whether those executed were suffering from shell shock are difficult and probably unanswerable questions which I will leave to legal and to military historians. Instead of investigating the circumstances of the condemned, this paper turns the spotlight onto the circumstances and attitudes of men whose presence at military executions was as inevitable as that of the prisoner or the firing squad; namely, the commissioned chaplains of the British army.

scholarly journals The impact of political unrest in Ireland on Irish soldiers in the British army, 1914–18: a re-evaluation

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (161) ◽  
pp. 50-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Destenay
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
World War ◽  
Front Line ◽  
Political Event ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Unrest ◽  
Psychological Pressure ◽  
The Impact ◽  
First World

AbstractIn order better to understand the impact of political unrest in Ireland on Irish troops fighting in the First World War, it is necessary to acknowledge that the role of the 1916 Rising has been significantly overestimated, while the influence of the 1914 home rule crisis and the repercussions of the anti-conscription movement have been underestimated. The 1914 home rule crisis significantly impacted on the Germans’ view of the Irish and conditioned the treatment of Irish P.O.W.s from December 1914 onwards. In addition, the post-1916 Rising executions and the conscription crisis had a severe impact on Irish front-line units, while also sapping the morale of other British combatants. The 1916 Rising might have been dismissed as a military operation conceived by a handful of republicans, with little support from the wider population, but the conscription crisis brought about widespread defiance towards British rule throughout the whole of nationalist Ireland. In line with British public opinion, British front-line officers and men strongly resented Ireland’s refusal to support the war effort at such a crucial moment. The consequence was the widespread targeting and stigmatisation of their Irish comrades-in-arms. Some British officers and men resorted to a form of psychological pressure, aimed at the public shaming of Irish troops. This article draws on new primary sources available at The National Archives in London, Dublin City Archives and University of Leeds Library to argue that the 1916 Rising was not the only political event in Ireland to have repercussions for Irish battalions fighting in the First World War.

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