scholarly journals Gobernanza criminal. Cogobiernos entre políticos y paramilitares en Colombia

Author(s):  
Javier Duque Daza

<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="section"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>Este artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación en torno a la caracterización de las relaciones entre políticos regionales, partidos y organizaciones criminales en Colombia. El análisis recurre al concepto de </span><span>gobernanza criminal </span><span>y a un enfoque que la asocia con factores de índole político. Se adopta una estrategia metodológica basada en la QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) y se presentan las respectivas evidencias empíricas. Este es un trabajo innovador en Colombia, ya que permite diferenciar tipos de gestión pública de acuerdo con la incidencia de las organizaciones ilegales en ellas, para el caso de estudio, de los grupos paramilitares que interactuaron con partidos, y facciones partidistas, y las estructuras locales de poder. Entre sus hallazgos están las caracterizaciones de este tipo de gestión, la explicación de los factores que la hicieron posible y los efectos que produjeron en la democracia local. </span></p></div></div></div></div>

Author(s):  
José Carlos Hernández Gutiérrez

<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="section"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>El objetivo del presente artículo es comprender qué combinación de circunstancias podría explicar que algunas alcaldías de la Ciudad de México (CDMX) presentasen en el año 2018 tasas de homicidios epidémicas (superiores a diez por cada 100 000 habitantes) mientras que otras no. Tomando como referencia teórica el modelo sociológico propuesto por Briceño (2007) y haciendo uso del método </span><span>crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis </span><span>(CSQCA), las hipótesis preliminares son las siguientes: </span><span>1</span><span>) la presencia de organizaciones criminales enfrentadas dentro de una misma alcaldía de la cdmx es una condición necesaria para que en dicha alcaldía se produzca una tasa de homicidios epidémica; y </span><span>2</span><span>) la conjunción de presencias de densidad poblacional y de pobreza son condiciones suficientes para que se produzca una tasa de homicidios epidémica. Teniendo en cuenta los resultados </span>del procesamiento del csqca, la primera hipótesis se confirma y la segunda es refutada, pues la conjunción de densidad poblacional y pobreza, contrariamente a lo defendido por Briceño (2007), no es una condición suficiente para que se produzcan elevadas tasas de homicidio.</p></div></div></div></div>


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann Johann And Devika

BACKGROUND Since November 2019, Covid - 19 has spread across the globe costing people their lives and countries their economic stability. The world has become more interconnected over the past few decades owing to globalisation and such pandemics as the Covid -19 are cons of that. This paper attempts to gain deeper understanding into the correlation between globalisation and pandemics. It is a descriptive analysis on how one of the factors that was responsible for the spread of this virus on a global scale is globalisation. OBJECTIVE - To understand the close relationship that globalisation and pandemics share. - To understand the scale of the spread of viruses on a global scale though a comparison between SARS and Covid -19. - To understand the sale of globalisation present during SARS and Covid - 19. METHODS A descriptive qualitative comparative analysis was used throughout this research. RESULTS Globalisation does play a significant role in the spread of pandemics on a global level. CONCLUSIONS - SARS and Covid - 19 were varied in terms of severity and spread. - The scale of globalisation was different during the time of SARS and Covid - 19. - Globalisation can be the reason for the faster spread in Pandemics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Matias López ◽  
Juan Pablo Luna

ABSTRACT By replying to Kurt Weyland’s (2020) comparative study of populism, we revisit optimistic perspectives on the health of American democracy in light of existing evidence. Relying on a set-theoretical approach, Weyland concludes that populists succeed in subverting democracy only when institutional weakness and conjunctural misfortune are observed jointly in a polity, thereby conferring on the United States immunity to democratic reversal. We challenge this conclusion on two grounds. First, we argue that the focus on institutional dynamics neglects the impact of the structural conditions in which institutions are embedded, such as inequality, racial cleavages, and changing political attitudes among the public. Second, we claim that endogeneity, coding errors, and the (mis)use of Boolean algebra raise questions about the accuracy of the analysis and its conclusions. Although we are skeptical of crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis as an adequate modeling choice, we replicate the original analysis and find that the paths toward democratic backsliding and continuity are both potentially compatible with the United States.


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