scholarly journals United Nations Psychology Day 2021 Focused on Post-Pandemic Rebuilding

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 445-452
Author(s):  
Priyadharshany Sandanapitchai ◽  
Harold Takooshian

In the wake of the unprecedented global COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020, the Psychology Coalition at the United Nations (PCUN) managed to continue to pursue its mission, to apply psychological science to global issues at the UN. This two-part report offers a concise overview of (a) recent PCUN activities in 2020-2021, and (b) the PCUNs 14th annual Psychology Day at the UN on April 15, 2021, which focused on Psychological Contributions to Building Back Better in a Post-Pandemic World.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srdjan Vucetic ◽  
Bojan Ramadanovic

All Canadian governments say that Canada must look to its “friends and allies” and “like-minded partners” to achieve greater cooperation on global issues. But who are these countries exactly? To gain a better understanding of where Ottawa stands in the world, with whom, and under what conditions, we analyze Canada’s voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly from 1980 to 2017. We find that Canada’s overall record tends towards that of Western European states. We find no evidence of greater affinity with US positions either when the Democrats are in power in Washington or when the conservative parties reign in power in Ottawa. We identify a sharp pro-US turn in the Harper years, and also confirm that the government of Justin Trudeau started off by maintaining rather than reversing this trend.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Khan

<p>Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s historic speech at the 29th session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) was the first ‘strategic communication’ by the father of the nation at the Assembly following Bangladesh’s admission to the United Nations. Apart from the well-known and much-to-be-proud of fact that the speech was delivered in Bangla, the content of this speech stands out as a key document, begging to be studied from an international relations perspective and the enduring ideals it enunciates and has been in practice by Bangladesh. This paper seeks to answer: to what extent has Bangladesh remain seized supporting the enduring ideals on key global issues enunciated by Bangabandhu in his speech at the United Nations? Accordingly, the paper carries out a (i) content analysis to identify the enduring ideals (ii) comparison of Bangladesh’s positions on the 1,284 UNGA resolutions that were put to vote between 2001-2017 to assess country’s support to those ideals. The paper finds that, except for the politically sensitive country-specific human rights resolutions, Bangladesh has consistently remained seized in supporting Bangabandhu’s ideals in all thematic categories (between 92-100% ‘yes’ votes). It demonstrates that Bangabandhu’s emphasis on the primacy of the United Nations to build a peaceful and just world, non-alignment, peaceful co-existence, economic emancipation and global solidarity has become much more relevant in the Covid-19 era and the current geopolitical context of South Asia. The paper opens new avenues to use a novel methodology to conduct evidence-based research on the policy ideals and its practices. </p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-601 ◽  
Author(s):  
LIEN THI QUYNH LE ◽  
YOSHIKI MIKAMI ◽  
TAKASHI INOGUCHI

AbstractThis study is an attempt to construct a quantitative link for international regimes with global leadership. The country's willingness to lead in solving global issues as the first mover in the formation of an international regime is measured and characterized by analyzing their ratification behavior in multilateral conventions deposited to the United Nations which shape ‘the rules of the game’ of the global community. For this purpose, a set of quantitative indicators, the Index of Global Leadership Willingness and the Global Support Index, was defined and calculated for each country based on its actual ratification year data for 120 multilateral conventions covering global issues such as peace and security, environment, commerce, communication, intellectual property protection, human rights, and labor. By proposing a framework of global leadership analysis, the study seeks to provide an empirical testing of the transformation of global governance towards cooperation without hegemony paradigm. The paper analyses changes in the leadership willingness indices of selected country groups, such as the G3, G7/8, and G20, over the century and finds that the will to drive the international agenda of these groups of leaders is in decline. Moreover, our study provides evidence to argue that our current world is actually without consistent global leadership across domains of the world affairs. Although several countries still show visible leadership in specific policy domains, such as environment and intellectual property, neither the G7/8 nor the G20 was playing a comparable role to those performed by the G3 a hundred years ago.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Takooshian

Since the United Nations was formed by 51 nations on June 26, 1945, psychology organizations were slow to register with the UN as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the past 75 years. This essay briefly describes the four-stage history of psychology NGOs at the United Nations, which have grown far more active and coordinated since 2004.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-219
Author(s):  
O. M. Kazakova ◽  
T. N. Malinovskaia ◽  
B. A. Fedulov ◽  
E. V. Romanova ◽  
E. G. Zavgorodnii ◽  
...  

The article presents a research of the ecological awareness of young people studying at universities. The research was carried out in the framework of global issues, including environmental, presented as goals in the United Nations program of 17 Sustainable Development Goals. The UN SDGs is a comprehensive global framework for the better future of the planet and its people aimed at solving urgent problems in the world and adopted by global community. The authors conducted a sociological survey of university students living mostly in the South-West of Siberia about their knowledge of the Sustainable Development Goals and understanding of global problems that humanity is facing. They questioned the respondents about their opinion on the priority of global issues – what problems must be solved first of all: environmental, social or economic. The problems in the questionnaire were presented in the wording of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. The respondents have chosen the most urgent problems at global, national and regional levels. Their priorities were not the same at different levels. At the same time the research have shown that many university students in the surveyed region do not know about the United Nations program of 17 Sustainable Development Goals, which began in 2015 and has been in progress already for four years. To study young people’s attitude to solving global problems, the university students were asked if they can help and what they can personally do in that respect. The survey revealed active position of many students toward ecological and other problems. The results of the research were analyzed and presented in the form of seven tables.


SAGE Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824402096111
Author(s):  
Mohammad Zahidul Islam Khan

This article explores Bangladesh’s voting coincidences at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) with China, India, Russia, and the United States for the period 2001–2017 to draw inferences about country’s political proximity and policy preferences on global issues. Although Bangladesh’s voting coincidence shifted from China toward India since 2013, country’s “opposite” votes with India remained 3 times higher compared with that of China, suggesting that the post-2013 change in voting coincidence is more about the types and content of the resolutions and not fundamental. Bangladesh maintained a principled position on disarmament, conventional arms control, nuclear nonproliferation, and prohibition of chemical weapons resolutions, which are greatly at odds with India and China. Such voting coherency suggests that the small developing countries can maintain a higher level of voting consistency on issues that are of great interest to them. However, Bangladesh’s voting inconstancy in the country-specific human rights resolutions reflects a selective adherence to the policy of non-interference, particularly with respect to neighbors. Bangladesh’s voting records on the human rights situation in Myanmar, reveals that it joined the majority member states condemning Myanmar only when the resolutions started mentioning Bangladesh as an affected country. Although the voting coincidence alone may not capture the whole dynamics of a state’s leanings, this article has revealed that systematic research of UNGA voting records has the capacity to add to the knowledge of political proximity and policy preferences of states in terms of the way they weigh their choices and chart their path through idealism and opportunism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-367
Author(s):  
Robert Barnes

Seventy-five years after the creation of the United Nations at the Dumbarton Oaks conference, the secretary-general has become the de facto figurehead of the world organization and the office-holder is expected to take a proactive role in a whole range of global issues. Yet it remains unclear what powers the Allied planners intended for the secretary-general. By examining the discussions that took place on this issue before, during and after Dumbarton Oaks this article argues that despite the seemingly innocuous provisions relating to the secretary-general enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the office-holder was never intended to simply be a chief administrator. What is more, the first Secretary-General, Trygve Lie, controversially sought to resolve a number of issues that came before the United Nations, most notably the Korean War. The second half of this article thus demonstrates that while Lie did test the parameters of his office to the limits during the Korean conflict, none of his actions exceeded the powers granted to the secretary-general. Moreover, Lie’s role during the Korean War set the tone for his successor, Dag Hammarskjold, who is usually seen as the most proactive secretary-general to date.


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