scholarly journals PROBLEMS OF THE STATE DEVELOPMENT AND MANAGEMENT IN THE UNRECOGNIZED STATES OF THE FORMER SOVIET UNION (ON THE EXAM-PLE OF THE DPR AND LPR)

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 127-133
Author(s):  
V.I. Salnikov ◽  
◽  
Y.V. Nebolsin ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleksandra Zakharova ◽  
Olena Harasymiv ◽  
Olga Sosnina ◽  
Oleksandra Soroka ◽  
Inesa Zaiets

Effective counteraction to corruption remains relevant in some countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, given that manifestations of corruption are a real obstacle to the realization of human rights, social justice, economic development and jeopardizes the proper functioning of a market economy. However, if such countries of the region, such as Poland, succeeded in ensuring the implementation of an effective anti-corruption policy, a number of post-Soviet countries, in particular Ukraine, faced significant obstacles to overcoming corruption and effectively implementing national anti-corruption policies. Therefore, within this article, a comparative legal analysis of the anti-corruption legislation of these countries has been carried out. The state of implementation of national anti-corruption policies and the formulated conclusions, which provide answers to the questions of improving the implementation of national anti-corruption policy, in particular Ukraine, are considered. Thus, the existence of modern national anti-corruption legislation that best meets the requirements and recommendations on which the state relies on relevant international treaties can be the key to successful anti-corruption efforts.


2001 ◽  
Vol 53 (6) ◽  
pp. 885-901 ◽  
Author(s):  
Max Spoor ◽  
Oane Visser

1998 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Collier ◽  
Alastair Pearson ◽  
Dominic Fontana ◽  
Andrew Ryder

The article emphasizes the concept of neopatrimonial political regimes for specific features highlighting of political communications in third world countries since on the Afro-Asian material the traditional science-theoretical division into democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes is not effective enough. Behind the formal signs of democratic regimes in many countries of the world, including in the countries of the former Soviet Union, lies the patrimonial logic of their functioning. The characteristic features of neopatrimonial regimes are distinguished: the “gap” between the center and the periphery, the construction of socio-political relations according to the patronage-client scheme, the dominant role of the state in the political system, “privatization” of state functions by representatives of the state-bureaucratic complex, turning them into a source of private income. It is noted that under this conditions in the political-communicative subsystem of the political system the specific model of power-oligarchic space is formed, within which presence of own media channels, the ability to control and censor information flows acquires on a special role. This contributes to the deployment of lobbying and corruption networks, which are becoming an integral mechanism for the functioning of neopatrimonial regimes. The problem of the peculiarity of the lexis in neopatrimonial communications is considered, namely, the widespread use of the so-called invective or obscene vocabulary. It is suggested that it is not caused by low educational or general cultural level of individual political actors, but by the tendency of cultivation the informal aspect of political communications inherent in neopatrimonial regimes. The question is posed that for further research on the specifics of neopatrimonial communications, one of the most promising approaches is the identification of the main models of neopatrimonial regimes and analysis of the features of their development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-28
Author(s):  
Scott MacWilliam ◽  
Mike Rafferty

In development policy circles, corruption has become a pressing global issue. Yet the contemporary relationship between corruption and development is complex and contested. For many, corruption robs people of economic resources and social wealth, and denudes the state of important capacities. That is, corruption prevents or blocks development. For others, corruption often occurs in the process of development as the form in which a class of developers accumulates wealth. That is, corruption is a phase of development. This article explores the contested relationship through two case studies: in Sub-Saharan Africa; and in the former Soviet Union. The article also links contemporary debates about corruption and development with earlier thinking about capitalist progress and development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Sardor Doniyev ◽  

This article deals with the cultural processes, the state of literature and art, and the activities of theaters in the 80s of the twentieth century in Kashkadarya region, one of the remote regions of the former Soviet Union, one of the southern regions of the Uzbek SSR


Inner Asia ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaolin Guo

AbstractThis paper deals with 'development' — a state discourse formulated initially to transform the ethnic minority societies in China's southwest upon the founding of the People's Republic (PRC) — and how this state discourse has inadvertently served the interests of the ethnic elites in the course of China's current economic reforms. Half a century on, socialism on China's periphery has transformed from being an alien concept to acquiring its present catchphrase-status, underscoring a complex learning process on the part of ethnicminority cadres. Going beyond the conventional static view of binaries (typically, as often seen in English writings, Han versus non-Han and state versus society), this study explores the interaction of a wide range of forces within the political system that shape the dynamics of ethnicity and ethnic relations in China. It shows, as much as ethnic cadres are subject to certain restrictions of the local offices in which they serve, their manoeuvring and creative manipulation of the official language exerts equal constraints on the central state, especially in the context of economic development and nationalities policy. Such a mode of interaction generates, and at the same time mitigates the tension within the bureaucratic system. In this light, the 'embrace' of socialism by the ethnic cadres may indeed be seen as an adaptation through which they justify their relationship with the state. The magic of socialism is, therefore, not the ideology itself, but the policy implementation in its name. In a multiethnic region like southwest China, where ethnic identities remain fluid and local nationalism largely reflects inter-community relations vis-à-vis the state, socialism serves a unique conflict management function. This particular mechanism perhaps offers an explanation for the marked contrast between the former Soviet Union and PRC: in the former, socialism collapsed as a political system but not as a set of values, whereas, in the latter, socialism may have lost its appeal to the majority of the population as a set of values, but has not collapsed as a system.


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