Chinese Socialism and Local Nationalism in the Discourse of Development

Inner Asia ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaolin Guo

AbstractThis paper deals with 'development' — a state discourse formulated initially to transform the ethnic minority societies in China's southwest upon the founding of the People's Republic (PRC) — and how this state discourse has inadvertently served the interests of the ethnic elites in the course of China's current economic reforms. Half a century on, socialism on China's periphery has transformed from being an alien concept to acquiring its present catchphrase-status, underscoring a complex learning process on the part of ethnicminority cadres. Going beyond the conventional static view of binaries (typically, as often seen in English writings, Han versus non-Han and state versus society), this study explores the interaction of a wide range of forces within the political system that shape the dynamics of ethnicity and ethnic relations in China. It shows, as much as ethnic cadres are subject to certain restrictions of the local offices in which they serve, their manoeuvring and creative manipulation of the official language exerts equal constraints on the central state, especially in the context of economic development and nationalities policy. Such a mode of interaction generates, and at the same time mitigates the tension within the bureaucratic system. In this light, the 'embrace' of socialism by the ethnic cadres may indeed be seen as an adaptation through which they justify their relationship with the state. The magic of socialism is, therefore, not the ideology itself, but the policy implementation in its name. In a multiethnic region like southwest China, where ethnic identities remain fluid and local nationalism largely reflects inter-community relations vis-à-vis the state, socialism serves a unique conflict management function. This particular mechanism perhaps offers an explanation for the marked contrast between the former Soviet Union and PRC: in the former, socialism collapsed as a political system but not as a set of values, whereas, in the latter, socialism may have lost its appeal to the majority of the population as a set of values, but has not collapsed as a system.

The article emphasizes the concept of neopatrimonial political regimes for specific features highlighting of political communications in third world countries since on the Afro-Asian material the traditional science-theoretical division into democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes is not effective enough. Behind the formal signs of democratic regimes in many countries of the world, including in the countries of the former Soviet Union, lies the patrimonial logic of their functioning. The characteristic features of neopatrimonial regimes are distinguished: the “gap” between the center and the periphery, the construction of socio-political relations according to the patronage-client scheme, the dominant role of the state in the political system, “privatization” of state functions by representatives of the state-bureaucratic complex, turning them into a source of private income. It is noted that under this conditions in the political-communicative subsystem of the political system the specific model of power-oligarchic space is formed, within which presence of own media channels, the ability to control and censor information flows acquires on a special role. This contributes to the deployment of lobbying and corruption networks, which are becoming an integral mechanism for the functioning of neopatrimonial regimes. The problem of the peculiarity of the lexis in neopatrimonial communications is considered, namely, the widespread use of the so-called invective or obscene vocabulary. It is suggested that it is not caused by low educational or general cultural level of individual political actors, but by the tendency of cultivation the informal aspect of political communications inherent in neopatrimonial regimes. The question is posed that for further research on the specifics of neopatrimonial communications, one of the most promising approaches is the identification of the main models of neopatrimonial regimes and analysis of the features of their development.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-179
Author(s):  
Evgeny Nikolaevich Shulgov

The external parameters of the ecumene include the ethnos number and its dynamics. In the course of the historical process, the Mordovian population on the territory of the near abroad republics (in the Union Republics of the USSR) varied according to natural and climatic, social and economic factors. The history of population migration and the Mordovian population formation in the CIS countries is recorded by the results of the censuses of the Russian Empire and the USSR. The dynamics of the Union republics Mordovians can be traced by censuses of Byelorussia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, etc. Statistical data are confirmed by documents extracted from fund 473 of the Mordovian SSR State Committee on labor and social issues of the Republic of Mordovia Central State Archives. There are folders with various decrees, edicts, plans for interregional migration in the Mordovian ASSR; lists and questionnaires of settlers, acts-lists on workers transferred to enterprises, application forms compiled for resettlers, etc. The purpose of the study is to analyze the types of documentary sources and create a picture of the Mordovian population dynamics on the territory of the near abroad countries (the former Soviet Union Republics). A wide range of documentary sources made it possible to create the picture of the Mordovians migration in Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, and others.


Author(s):  
Simon Wagner ◽  
Colin Cole ◽  
Maksym Spiryagin

AbstractRolling stock connection systems are key to running longer and heavier trains as they provide both the connections of vehicles and the damping, providing the longitudinal suspension of the train. This paper focuses on the evolution of both connection and stiffness damping systems. Focus is on freight rolling stock, but passenger draw gears are also examined. It was found that connection systems have evolved from the buff and chain system used in the pioneer railways of the 1800s to the modern auto-coupler connection systems that are in-service worldwide today. Refined versions of the buff and chain coupling are, however, still in use in the EU, UK, South America and India. A wide range of auto-coupler systems are currently utilised, but the AAR coupler (Janney coupler) remains the most popular. A further variation that persists is the SA3 coupler (improved Wilson coupler) which is an alternative auto-coupler design used mainly throughout the former Soviet Union. Restricting the review to auto-coupler systems allowed the paper to focus on draft gears which revealed polymer, polymer-friction, steel spring-friction, hydraulic draft gears and sliding sill cushioning systems. Along with the single compressive draft gear units balanced and floating plate configurations are also presented. Typical draft gear acceptance standards are presented along with modelling that was included to aid in presentation of the functional characteristics of draft gears.


Author(s):  
Oleksandra Zakharova ◽  
Olena Harasymiv ◽  
Olga Sosnina ◽  
Oleksandra Soroka ◽  
Inesa Zaiets

Effective counteraction to corruption remains relevant in some countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, given that manifestations of corruption are a real obstacle to the realization of human rights, social justice, economic development and jeopardizes the proper functioning of a market economy. However, if such countries of the region, such as Poland, succeeded in ensuring the implementation of an effective anti-corruption policy, a number of post-Soviet countries, in particular Ukraine, faced significant obstacles to overcoming corruption and effectively implementing national anti-corruption policies. Therefore, within this article, a comparative legal analysis of the anti-corruption legislation of these countries has been carried out. The state of implementation of national anti-corruption policies and the formulated conclusions, which provide answers to the questions of improving the implementation of national anti-corruption policy, in particular Ukraine, are considered. Thus, the existence of modern national anti-corruption legislation that best meets the requirements and recommendations on which the state relies on relevant international treaties can be the key to successful anti-corruption efforts.


2001 ◽  
Vol 53 (6) ◽  
pp. 885-901 ◽  
Author(s):  
Max Spoor ◽  
Oane Visser

1992 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-101
Author(s):  
Mark Ellingsen ◽  

This article explores the often neglected impact on the American political system of Scottish Common Sense Realism and an Augustinian anthropology drawn from both this Scottish philosophy and the American culture's Puritan/Presbyterian roots. Such insights help us better understand the dynamics of the American system and its possible contribution as a paradigm or model for democratization in the communist world Significant differences between America and the communist world with respect to their distinct intellectual and cultural histories seem to preclude the applicability of the American system to post-communist nations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, Yet theological convergences among the prevailing religious traditions of these nations and America suggest that the Augustinian anthropological realism of the American system may have relevance to communist world cultures after all.


1998 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Collier ◽  
Alastair Pearson ◽  
Dominic Fontana ◽  
Andrew Ryder

Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2 (34/1)) ◽  
pp. 239-245
Author(s):  
Mykoła Doroszko

Why Putin Started War Against Ukraine? The author analyzes the causes and consequences of undeclared war of Russia against Ukraine. Among the main reasons – the desire to restore Russian leadership’s geopolitical influence in the former Soviet Union by building a new type of empire. In order to reach it official Moscow uses a wide range of tools - from economic pressure and blackmail to armed aggression on the territories of the former USSR. The author is convinced that the annexation of the Crimea and the undeclared war of Russia against Ukraine were the result of revanchist policy of Russian President Vladimir Putin aimed at the return of influential world power status. Achieving this goal involves prevention of Europeanisation and democratization of post-Soviet countries, the main jewel among which is Ukraine. Exit from the influence of Russia is possible, according to the author, through the integration of Ukraine into the EU and NATO.


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