scholarly journals Introducing Regime Cluster Theory: Framing Regional Diffusion Dynamics of Democratization and Autocracy Promotion

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeroen Van den Bosch
Keyword(s):  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Alliance Formation ◽  
Cluster Theory ◽  
Administrative Practices ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
Diffusion Dynamics ◽  
Global Status ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Comparative Study

Recently the role of ideology and hegemony has received increased attention to explain varying dynamics of diffusion and autocratic cooperation. As a result, patterns of interaction in clusters from regions without hegemony or ideology have been overlooked because their autocracy-toautocracy transitions are no threat to the global status of democracy, even when active regime promotion is very common. This article will apply insights from economic cluster theory to political regimes and introduce a typology to differentiate among clusters. Regime Cluster Theory is the first framework that presents three ideal-types of ideological, hegemonic and biotopical regime clusters. With a new concept of ‘biotopical clusters’ the paper explains the dynamics of clusters in often omitted regions, like in Sub Saharan Africa, Latin America during the Cold War, or Central Asia during the 1990s. RCT offers a dynamic approach to recognize and assess patterns of forcible regime promotion per cluster as well as distinguish between their different diffusion patterns (coercive, voluntary, bounded learning, contagion) in four arenas: institutions, ideas, policy and administrative practices. RCT advances the comparative study of regime promotion and diffusion in various regions of the world and hopes to shed new light on related theories of alliance formation, regional institutionalization, and (conflict) spill-over effects.

State Failure and Challenges to Democratization in Africa

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
James D. Fearon
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
Commodity Price ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Land Disputes ◽  
Oil Shock ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Public Revenues

When Things Fell Apart manages to be wonderfully concise but still compelling. The thing Robert Bates seeks to explain is the secular trend in sub-Saharan Africa toward civil war, although he often characterizes this in broader terms, as a trend toward “political conflict” or “political disorder.” He explains the trend as follows: Public revenues fell in the 1970s and 1980s as a result of commodity price declines, effects of the second oil shock, and bad economic policy choices that overtaxed farmers so that politicians could dispense patronage to smaller, politically more important urban constituencies. The decline in public revenues led elites to become more predatory, which caused an increase in political conflict by mobilizing opposition. Popular demands for political reform, along with increased international pressure for the same at the end of the Cold War, heightened elite insecurity and led to more predation. This had the effect of “provoking their citizens to take up arms” (p. 109). Further, state decline and national-level conflicts exacerbated simmering subnational conflicts, typically in the form of land disputes between locals and migrants from other tribes.

scholarly journals CONTINENTAL MUSICOLOGY: DECOLONISING THE MYTH OF A SINGULAR “AFRICAN MUSIC”

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 177-193
Author(s):  
Thomas Mathew Pooley
Keyword(s):  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Musical Structure ◽  
African Music ◽  
Popular Imagination ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
Musical Identity ◽  
The North ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
And Function

The musical identity of the African continent is sustained in the popular imagination by the idea of its unity. This identity emerges from a constellation of ideas about Africa’s distinctiveness constructed by generations of scholars who have diminished its diversity to substantiate the claim that shared principles of musical structure and function in sub-Saharan cultures can be read as ideal types for the continent as a whole. The idea of a singular “African music” is predicated on the notion that African “traditional” music of precolonial origin in sub-Saharan Africa possesses a set of distinctive features that are essential to its identity. Musical cultures as diverse as Aka, Ewe, Shona, Yoruba, and Zulu are subsumed within a singular frame of reference; others that do not possess these features are, by implication, excluded. To make sense of this myth of a singular “African music” we must reckon with the universalising impulse that sustains it. This means interrogating the discursive formations out of which it has been fashioned. Whose interests does it serve? Taking a decolonial perspective on the power dynamics that structure global south-north relations in the academy, this article points to the ways in which the north perpetuates its authority and dominance over the south by subsuming others within its cultural and intellectual ambit. Decolonising “African music” means dismantling the hegemony of “continental musicology” and the myth of a singular “African music” that is its creation.

Regional Security Complexes and Organizations

2018 ◽  
pp. 682-696
Author(s):  
Matteo Legrenzi ◽  
Fred H. Lawson
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Governance ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Security Organizations ◽  
Insight Into

Regional dimensions of international security have become increasingly salient since the end of the Cold War. Some groups of states have coalesced into regional formations that resemble classic security communities. Several analytical concepts have been proposed to explain this trend, including revised theories of security community, security regimes, security complexes, and modes of security governance. Regional security complexes offer a useful framework for explicating the dynamics of interstate threats and governments’ coordinated responses to external danger. The utility of the concept can be illustrated by surveying recent scholarship on the cross-border spread of civil wars and disputes over water. Regional security complexes also provide insight into the formation and resurgence of regional security organizations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East.

22. Sub-Saharan Africa

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bratton
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Weak States ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Regime Changes ◽  
Transitions To Democracy ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines efforts to introduce multi-party politics into Sub-Saharan Africa during the 1990s. It first considers regime changes in the region and shows that they result from the ‘conjuncture’ of various forces. Some of these forces are structural — such as the decline of African economies, the end of the Cold War — but political actors produce others, like incumbents’ concessions, opposition protests, and military withdrawals from politics. With reference to various African examples, the chapter emphasizes the important role played by certain structural conditions in transitions to democracy during the 1990s, but suggests that outcomes more often hinged on purposive political action. It also analyses the quality of resultant African regimes and concludes by identifying several fundamental constraints on further democratization including endemic poverty and weak states.

24. Sub-Saharan Africa

2018 ◽  
pp. 384-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bratton
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Weak States ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Regime Changes ◽  
Transitions To Democracy ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines efforts to introduce multi-party politics into Sub-Saharan Africa during the 1990s. It first considers regime changes in the region and shows that they result from the ‘conjuncture’ of various forces. Some of these forces are structural—such as the decline of African economies, the end of the Cold War—but political actors produce others, like incumbents’ concessions, opposition protests, and military withdrawals from politics. With reference to various African examples, the chapter emphasizes the important role played by certain structural conditions in transitions to democracy during the 1990s, but suggests that outcomes more often hinged on purposive political action. It also analyses the quality of resultant African regimes and concludes by identifying several fundamental constraints on further democratization including endemic poverty and weak states.

Response to Slater review ofCompetitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War

2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 388-389
Author(s):  
Steven Levitsky ◽  
Lucan A. Way
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Historical Time ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
International Environment ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Cold War

Dan Slater offers thoughtful and incisive comments. We respond here to three of his points. The first is that by limiting our study to the post–Cold War period, we convert it into a “period piece,” akin to studies of fascist and communist regimes. Although this may be true, a historically bounded analysis is essential because of the changing character of the international environment. World historical time powerfully shapes regime outcomes. The prospects for democracy and authoritarianism during the Cold War, which was marked by global superpower rivalry, differed dramatically from those during periods of Western liberal hegemony. During the Cold War, for example, nearly all military coups ushered in authoritarian rule; after 1989, nearly 70 percent of coups led to multiparty elections In 1989, single-party rule predominated in Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa; five years later, it had disappeared.

After the Cold War: U.S. Interests in Sub-Saharan Africa

1990 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
David D. Newsom
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Cold War

African Junta and Defence Spending: A Capture Effect or Self-preservation?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oasis Kodila-Tedika ◽  
Sherif Khalifa
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
Military Spending ◽  
Military Expenditure ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Capture Effect ◽  
Defence Spending ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract This paper examines the effect of the presence of a military ruler on military expenditure using a panel of sub-Saharan Africa countries. The paper also explores whether the relationship reflects a capture effect, is an outcome of the confrontational climate of the cold war or is a self-preservation effort by military rulers. The panel data estimations show that the presence of a military ruler has a statistically significant negative effect on military spending as a percentage of GDP. The coefficients are also not significantly different before or after the end of the cold war era. This implies that the negative relationship is driven by an effort by military rulers to preempt the ability of their peers to overthrow them from power. We also attempt to deal with potential endogeneity and consider the possibility of persistence in military spending. The paper uses the Arellano and Bond (1991) estimation technique that shows a negative but insignificant effect of the presence of a military ruler on military expenditure, while military spending shows a high degree of persistence.

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