Trade Regulation. Fair Trade Acts. Fair Trade Agreement Held Unenforceable as to Nonsigners

1951 ◽  
Vol 37 (6) ◽  
pp. 882

1936 ◽  
Vol 34 (8) ◽  
pp. 1241
Author(s):  
J. B. B.




2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-67
Author(s):  
Imbang Listiyadi

Prinsip-prinsip dasar kepentingan didalam merangkai hubungan perdagangan bilateral antara dua negara yaitu Indonesia dan Amerika Serikat adalah lebih ditujukan kepada landasan kerja sama perdagangan yang saling menguntungkan. Tawaran serta permintaan yang dapat diintegrasikan bersama secara spesifik dan dapat menunjang pertumbuhan ekonomi masing-masing.Free Trade Agreement (FTA) Indonesia-Amerika Serikat diharapkan dapat menciptakan susasana kesepakatan yang disebut sebagai kebebasan dalam perdagangan atau Free Trade, keadilan didalam perdagangan atau Fair Trade. Landasan Filosofi “Free Trade” dan “Fair Trade” perlu dicarikan formulasi/rumusan jbersama terlebih dahulu guna mencari jawaban bahwa perdagangan bilateral yang dituangkan di dalam agreement nantinya tidak menjadi hambatan baru bahkan sengketa perdagangan didalam kerangka perdagangan bebas, sehingga perlu adanya pembicaraan bersama atau kajian bersama (Joint Study).FTA Indonesia Amerika Serikat akan memberikan fungsi penting sebagai alat penjamin manakala secara tiba-tiba terjadi perubahan kebijakan perdagangan kedua belah pihak FTA Indonesia Amerika Serikat juga berfungsi sebagai kepastian “Market Access” masing masing sebagai mitra dagang, serta bagi dunia usaha yang akan membangun komitmen untuk berbagai investasi baru.FTA Indonesia AS diharapkan akan memperkecil ketimpangan yang selama ini dirasakan oleh pihak Indonesia sebagai negara berkembang. Anggapan adanya ketimpangan antara negara maju dan negara berkembang yang secara tradisi ditandai dengan tingkat ekonomi maupun teknologi yang berbeda menyolok. Tingkat ketergantungan (dependence) Indonesia terhadap AS akan sangat mempengaruhi posisi tawar.Perdebatan di forum Kongress Amerika Serikat yang menganggendakan Free Trade Agreement seri9ng dikaitkan dengan permasalahan lain seperti: lingkungan hidup, pelanggaran hak asasi manusia, pelanggaran hak cipta, patent, ppolitik dan lain-lain dan sering bersifat sepihak atau unilateral. Tak urung masalah ini akan menjadi beban berat bagi negara-negara mitra dagang yang sebenarnya tidak terkait langsung dengan masalah bisnis. Di wilayah yang lebih bersifat teknis banyak hal yang sulit dpenuhi oleh negara-negara berkembang untuk mengimbangi perilaku negara-negara maju. Amerika Serikat telah banyak menguasai masalah-masalah Ïntellectual Property Right” yang mana hal paradox tergambar atau mewakili ketertinggalan negara-negara berkembang/miskin.



Con-texto ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Kevin J. Fandl

<p>This article brings to the attention of those public servants involved in the design and negotiation of free trade agreements between the United States and developing countries, such as Colombia, the potential benefits and drawbacks of negotiating in a bilateral forum. Rather than critiquing the free trade agreement for its particular provisions, this article examines the U.S. policy of negotiating bilaterally with developing countries as opposed to multilaterally in the world trade system and what effects such an approach might have on the economic development of the latter. Using an incremental policy analysis, the article critiques the bilateral approach in terms of economic development and fair trade negotiations using the recent Colombia-U.S. trade agreement as a case study. The article concludes that a bilateral approach that is disconnected from a broader multilateral context may be detrimental to developing countries and recommends increased oversight of such agreements by the World Trade Organization to ensure a higher degree of fairness.</p>



Author(s):  
Tamara Kay ◽  
R. L. Evans

This chapter examines how the state responded to activists’ mobilization against NAFTA by closing state institutional channels after NAFTA’s passage. It reveals how activists shifted their strategies in response to the closure of institutional opportunities and access by focusing their efforts on trying to kill rather than improve free trade agreements when institutional channels were blocked, and by foregrounding issues of democracy. This chapter lays out the trade policies of each presidential administration after NAFTA, and the agreements they succeeded and failed to pass. This chapter ultimately shows how each administration tried and generally failed to produce any significant trade agreement after NAFTA’s passage. One could argue that this is a small but meaningful victory for fair trade activists that is largely ignored. NAFTA was the first, and the last major trade agreement that any president has been able to pass.



2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (S1) ◽  
pp. S121-S141 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. S. NEERAJ

AbstractThis Article attempts to explore the challenges in situating a multilateral digital trade agreement within the legal framework of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Section 1 of the article discusses the broad challenges that digitization poses for the international legal framework for trade regulation. I argue first that the traditional classification of products into goods and services under the WTO system is structurally incompatible with the digital economy. I also argue that striking the appropriate balance between trade liberalization and the pursuit of legitimate public policy objectives in a digital trade agreement will be uniquely challenging because certain features that are intrinsic to the digital industry and business strategies of established players in the digital market raise serious anticompetition challenges. A multilateral agreement regulating digital trade needs to acknowledge and address these challenges. Section 2 surveys the efforts that have been undertaken to regulate digital trade as manifested in the WTO Work Program on Electronic Commerce. Acknowledging that the digital trade agenda of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement could be used as a benchmark for discussions on e-commerce at the WTO, I argue that future negotiations for a multilateral digital trade policy will not benefit from using the TPP's digital trade agenda as a benchmark. The TPP does not reconcile systemic tensions between the digital economy and the extant WTO system or address the anticompetition challenges that are unique to the digital ecosystem.





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