scholarly journals Snatching Legislative Power: The Justice Department's Refusal to Enforce the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act

1982 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 1176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan E. Spangler
1993 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan L. Pollet

This article addresses the phenomenon of parental kidnapping and the legislative response to it. It includes a discussion of the federal civil response—more particularly, the Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction Act, the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act of 1980, and the 1980 Hague Convention of the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction and its implementing federal legislation. A discussion of the criminal response includes a summary of The Missing Children Act of 1982, The Missing Children's Assistance Act of 1984, The National Child Search Assistance Act of 1990, state criminal laws, and the topic of clearinghouses. There is also an analysis of civil case law involving suits arising out of loss of custody, custodial interference and related torts. The article concludes with a treatment of ways to prevent parental kidnapping, as well as recommendations regarding future legislation and judicial efforts.


Author(s):  
Cecilia Testa

In modern democracies, the legislative power is vested in parliaments with diverse organizational structures. Bicameral legislatures, requiring concurrent deliberation by two bodies, are present in about one-third of the world’s countries. Bicameralism typically serves the important purpose of accommodating the representation of heterogeneous interests from distinct social cleavages or geographic entities, but it is also associated with advantages such as greater stability of policies, increased accountability, and better quality of legislation. These benefits, however, only arise under specific circumstances, and the greater procedural complexity brought about by two chambers is not without costs. Disagreement between the two chambers often leads to costly legislative gridlock. Bicameralism can also open the door to pressure groups advancing their requests for favorable legislation when the chambers do not have time to carefully consider its consequences. The constitutional choice of bicameralism and its optimality ultimately rest on the subtle balance between its costs and benefits.


Vaccines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Wojciech Feleszko ◽  
Piotr Lewulis ◽  
Adam Czarnecki ◽  
Paweł Waszkiewicz

Background: If globally implemented, a safe coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) vaccination program will have broad clinical and socioeconomic benefits. However, individuals who anticipate that the coronavirus vaccine will bring life back to normality may be disappointed, due to the emerging antivaccination attitude within the general population. Methods: We surveyed a sample of adult Polish citizens (n = 1066), and compared it with the data on international COVID-19 vaccine reluctance. Results: In 20 national surveys, the vaccine averseness for the anticipated COVID-19 vaccine varied from meager (2–6% China) to very high (43%, Czech Republic, and 44%, Turkey) and in most countries was much higher than regular vaccination reluctance, which varies between 3% (Egypt) and 55% (Russia). Conclusions: These results suggest that a 67% herd immunity may be possible only if mandatory preventive vaccination programs start early and are combined with coordinated education efforts supported by legislative power and social campaigns.


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