From World War I to the Popular Front: The Art and Activism of Hugo Gellert

2002 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 198 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Wechsler
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Art And Activism

Hollywood, Fascism, and Jew-Baiting Prior to 1939

2020 ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Chris Yogerst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
World War ◽  
German American

The years leading up to 1939 saw an influx of fascist organizations in Los Angeles. This made the Hollywood moguls ultra-sensitive to homegrown fascism as they began to fight back by funding an underground espionage network, led by attorney Leon Lewis. More public pushback came from the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League, made up of individuals from across the Popular Front. Pro-fascist support began to surface in the form of the Friends of New Germany, German-American Bund, and the Silver Shirt who each had factions in Los Angeles. As the conflict in Europe developed, so did anti-war sentiments in the United States (many were still miffed about our involvement in World War I). This period also saw the rise of anti-Semitic and isolationist voices ranging from Father Charles Coughlin to members of the America First movement.

Background Stories

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Sally Bick
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Film Music ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Values ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
Low Culture ◽  
The Aesthetic

This chapter introduces the political landscape caused by World War I, the crisis in capitalism, the Great Depression, and the Popular Front, crises that would shape Copland’s and Eisler’s individual musical and political perspectives. Their political commitment led them to embrace film music and to seek employment in Hollywood. Their decisions took place within the debates regarding the aesthetic and political values of high and low culture as exemplified by culture critic Gilbert Seldes (The Seven Lively Arts), George Antheil, and others. The chapter also discusses Hollywood as an industrial enterprise and the conditions that composers like Copland and Eisler faced working in the movie capital.

Worktime between Haymarket and the Popular Front: An International Perspective

1986 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 79-93
Author(s):  
Gary Cross
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
International Perspective ◽  
Central Issue ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Labor Movements ◽  
World War ◽  
International Labor ◽  
The Hours ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Ideal

The quest for an eight-hour day was the central issue of the struggles leading to the Haymarket massacre of 1886. It also was at the heart of a widening scope of labor activity in the 1880s. The AFL's call for national eight-hour demonstrations on May 1, 1890 encouraged admiring European labor movements to join the Americans in an international strike for eight hours, the event which partially inspired the organizing of the Second International. Given these often-noted facts, it is ironic that the history of the hours issue after 1890, and especially between World War I and the popular front, when the major reductions in worktime occurred, has been largely neglected by American and European labor historians. In the half-century between Haymarket and the popular front worktime particularly dominated the attention of international labor and produced the forty-hour week standard and the ideal of the annual vacation.

Worktime between Haymarket and the Popular Front: An International Perspective

1986 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 79-93
Author(s):  
Gary Cross
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
International Perspective ◽  
Central Issue ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Labor Movements ◽  
World War ◽  
International Labor ◽  
The Hours ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Ideal

The quest for an eight-hour day was the central issue of the struggles leading to the Haymarket massacre of 1886. It also was at the heart of a widening scope of labor activity in the 1880s. The AFL's call for national eight-hour demonstrations on May 1, 1890 encouraged admiring European labor movements to join the Americans in an international strike for eight hours, the event which partially inspired the organizing of the Second International. Given these often-noted facts, it is ironic that the history of the hours issue after 1890, and especially between World War I and the popular front, when the major reductions in worktime occurred, has been largely neglected by American and European labor historians. In the half-century between Haymarket and the popular front worktime particularly dominated the attention of international labor and produced the forty-hour week standard and the ideal of the annual vacation.

Through the prism of Spain. Socio-economic causes of different outcomes of Russian and Spanish civil wars

2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
World War ◽  
Common Features ◽  
Economic Well Being

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.

‘Grey Dawn’ in the British Pacific: Race, Security and Colonial Sovereignty on the Eve of World War I

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Tumblin
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
World War ◽  
Building Projects ◽  
Cooperative Security ◽  
Strategic Defense ◽  
Racial Discourses ◽  
The Way

This article examines the way a group of colonies on the far reaches of British power – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and India, dealt with the imperatives of their own security in the early twentieth century. Each of these evolved into Dominion status and then to sovereign statehood (India lastly and most thoroughly) over the first half of the twentieth century, and their sovereignties evolved amidst a number of related and often countervailing problems of self-defence and cooperative security strategy within the British Empire. The article examines how security – the abstracted political goods of military force – worked alongside race in the greater Pacific to build colonial sovereignties before the First World War. Its first section examines the internal-domestic dimension of sovereignty and its need to secure territory through the issue of imperial naval subsidies. A number of colonies paid subsidies to Britain to support the Royal Navy and thus to contribute in financial terms to their strategic defense. These subsidies provoked increasing opposition after the turn of the twentieth century, and the article exlpores why colonial actors of various types thought financial subsidies threatened their sovereignties in important ways. The second section of the article examines the external-diplomatic dimension of sovereignty by looking at the way colonial actors responded to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. I argue that colonial actors deployed security as a logic that allowed them to pursue their own bids for sovereignty and autonomy, leverage racial discourses that shaped state-building projects, and ultimately to attempt to nudge the focus of the British Empire's grand strategy away from Europe and into Asia.

The Anarchist Press in Egypt before World War I

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Gorman
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Public Education ◽  
World War I ◽  
State Power ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
World War

This chapter traces the development of the radical secular press in Egypt from its first brief emergence in the 1870s until the outbreak of World War I. First active in the 1860s, the anarchist movement gradually expanded its membership and influence over subsequent decades to articulate a general social emancipation and syndicalism for all workers in the country. In the decade and a half before 1914, its press collectively propagated a critique of state power and capitalism, called for social justice and the organisation of labour, and promoted the values of science and public education in both a local context and as part of an international movement. In seeking to promote a programme at odds with both nationalism and colonial rule, it incurred the hostility of the authorities in addition to facing the practical problems of managing and financing an oppositional newspaper.

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