The British Elections of December, 1923

1924 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Thomas Morgan

Not only were the results of the British national election of last December momentous for the British people themselves, but it may be doubted whether any other election in the country's history ever excited as much interest in foreign lands. The United States was much concerned at the possibility of Great Britain erecting a tariff wall around not only the British Isles but the British Empire as well. The dominions were vitally interested. The whole of Europe awaited with increasing anxiety the decision of the British electorate, as upon it depended to some degree, at any rate, the next step of the British government in the settlement of the all-important problem of reparations upon which the reconstruction of Europe depended.

2006 ◽  
Vol 35 (138) ◽  
pp. 220-237
Author(s):  
Marie Coleman

From its foundation in 1930 until the end of 1934 the Irish Hospitals Sweepstake sold the overwhelming majority of its tickets in Great Britain. Alarmed at the success of an enterprise that was illegal in its jurisdiction and that resulted in a considerable financial drain to the Irish Free State’s hospital service, the British government enacted a Betting and Lotteries Act in 1934 to curtail the sale of Irish sweepstake tickets there. The result was a substantial decline in British contributions to the sweepstake and in the overall income from ticket sales. The British action threatened the continued existence and success of the venture.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191
Author(s):  
Ian Delahanty

Young Ireland nationalists conciliated slaveholding and proslavery Americans in the mid-1840s by situating Irish debates over American slavery within a broader discussion of Ireland's status in the British Empire. As Irish nationalists sought to redefine Ireland's political relationship to Great Britain, many came to see material and rhetorical support from the United States as indispensable to their efforts. Unlike Daniel O'Connell, Young Irelanders proved willing to overlook slavery in the United States because they believed that an Irish-American alliance could be mobilised to critique British imperialism and potentially to gain greater autonomy for Ireland. Debates among Irish nationalists over accepting aid from slaveholding and proslavery Americans, therefore, bring into focus where O'Connell and Young Ireland differed with regard to Ireland's sufferings under the Union and involvement in the Empire.


1926 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 334-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. J. M. Menzies

Included in the area of distribution of Salmo salar are the western coasts of Europe as far south as the Franco-Spanish border as well as the British Isles and Iceland, and, in addition, the eastern coast of Canada and the United States down to the State of Maine. A very large number of investigations have been made in Great Britain and various European countries, both by marking the fish in order to trace their subsequent growth and movements, and by reading their age and history from the scales. Length calculations from scale measurements have also been made in Scotland, Norway, and Sweden.


Author(s):  
Lindsey Flewelling

The United States played a significant role in unionist political thought and rhetoric throughout the Home Rule era. Ulster unionists used American examples to emphasize the need to maintain unity between Great Britain and Ireland, and to provide historical justification for unionist actions. This chapter examines the ways in which the American Revolutionary War, Civil War, and Constitution were utilized in unionist rhetoric. Unionists drew upon these American historical and constitutional examples to highlight ethnic connections to the United States, underscore the failed obligations of the British government to fight to save the Union, and legitimize Ulster militancy.


1941 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Orent ◽  
Pauline Reinsch

Recently, certain small uninhabited islands in the central Pacific Ocean have assumedsudden importance for the British Empire and the United States. Their value as landing places for commercial aviation and as strategic bases for air and naval forces is being increasingly recognized. Acquired during the past century by Great Britain and the UnitedStates, many of these islands have been the object of conflicting claims to sovereignty by the two nations. To clarify their status, it has been found desirable to review the past practice of these states and to examine those factors which were considered adequateto create sovereign rights over uninhabited islands in the Pacific.


1947 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 115-134
Author(s):  
Dexter Perkins

A traveler to England in 1946 is speedily made aware of the immense admiration of the British people for the late president of the United States, Franklin D. Roosevelt. It is probable that no other American statesman has evoked quite so warm a regard in the British Isles. Roosevelt early understood the issues of the war which Britain was forced to take up in 1939, and quickly responded when the collapse of France put that country in imminent peril. His intimacy with that great Englishman, Winston Churchill, dramatized the close association of the two English-speaking countries in the struggle that came to a close only a year ago. It would have been strange if he had not been appreciated by the British people. There was, however, another great American president who led his country into war, and stood by the side of Britain in critical days. His name was Woodrow Wilson, and he seems in general to have won far less affection and regard in Britain. Yet he, too, was a great man. It is the object of this paper to make him, as the author hopes, a little better understood, and to demonstrate why he deserves a place amongst the most eminent of the presidents of the United States.


1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 774-780
Author(s):  
Arthur K. Kuhn

At the Antwerp meeting of the International Law Association in 1903, a paper was presented by Mr. Justice Phillimore indicating the desirability of having Great Britain participate in the Hague Conferences on Private International Law. At the same meeting, a resolution was adopted on the motion of Mr. Justice Kennedy to the effect that the Association “should take steps respectfully to lay before the British Government the points dealt with in that paper” with a view to its participation in the conferences. Although not referring in terms to America, the resolution was seconded by Dr. Gregory, an American member, and the discussion showed plainly that it was the sense of the meeting that the resolution was intended to apply also to the United States.


1950 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 87-110
Author(s):  
Ethel Drus

In 1855, Thakombau, chief of Bau in Western Fiji, was placed in a curious dilemma. He was recognized as the leading chief of Fiji by the United States Government, but at the same time he was held responsible for a sum of $45,000 in compensation for damage to the property of United States citizens. Thakombau had, indeed, aspired to the sovereignty of the entire island group, but he was quite unable to meet the claim. A few years later, on 8 October 1858, a promise was wrung from him to settle the account within a year. Harassed by his inability to do so, he turned to the British Government for assistance, and within a week, on 12 October 1858, he had signed a formal deed ceding the whole of Fiji to Great Britain. This document had been drawn up by the British Consul, W. T. Pritchard, who had only recently arrived in Fiji, but at once proceeded to London to urge the acceptance of the offer.


2018 ◽  
Vol 108 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-188
Author(s):  
Gary M. Gibson

In 1811, William and James Crooks of Niagara built the schooner Lord Nelson. A year later, that vessel was seized by the United States Navy for violating American law, beginning a case unique in the relations between the United States, Great Britain and Canada. Although the seizure was declared illegal by an American court, settlement was delayed by actions taken (or not taken) by the American courts, Congress and the executive, the Canadian provincial and national governments, the British government, wars, rebellions, crime, international disputes and tribunals. It was 1930 before twenty-five descendants of the two brothers finally received any money.


Author(s):  
David A. Hollinger

Historians have observed that Victorian, Edwardian, and Progressive intellectuals embraced science with “religious” zeal. This chapter details the distinctly Protestant style and tone of that zeal. A function of religious images was to enable scientific intellectuals and their supporters to think of science as the practice of exactly the virtues for which Christianity was then most admired by educated citizens of Great Britain and the United States. Thinking of science in these terms enabled them to present scientists as the successors to the clergy as the moral models for modern living. The endlessly repeated assertion that the British agnostic scientist, T. H. Huxley, had enough “real Christianity” in him “to save the soul” of every person in the British Isles is a convenient emblem for this discourse.


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