British Military Administration of Occupied Territories in Africa During the Years 1941-1947.

This chapter demonstrates how theories of modern and ancient colonialism have become interwoven and how this has affected the development of Roman archaeology in the independent countries of the Maghreb. Morocco (1956), Algeria (1963), and Tunisia (1957) gained their independence from France. The Italians held Libya (or parts of it) from 1911 until 1942, when the country fell under the British Military Administration until independence was achieved in 1951. There are inevitably “discrepant experiences” of imperialism and colonialism in the modern context, far from positive for the indigenous people (though nationalist movements grew out of resistance), while some of the old colons still peddle the myth about a lost golden age. It is inevitable in these circumstances that the modern experience should have an impact on the debate about the more remote past. The essential point made in this chapter is that all these different viewpoints must be understood in their modern as well as ancient contexts and that however wrongheaded some theories now appear we should not exclude them from debate.

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Archaeology in the Dodecanese, 1939–46

The Journal of Hellenic Studies ◽

10.2307/626342 ◽

1945 ◽

Vol 65 ◽

pp. 101-104 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

T. W. French

Keyword(s):

British Military ◽

Military Administration ◽

Golden Opportunity ◽

Archaeological Work ◽

New Buildings ◽

Do So

Archaeological work was carried out by the Italians in the Dodecanese up to September, 1943, and excavations were then still in progress both on Rhodes and Cos. On the Italian surrender at that date the Germans occupied the islands, and their restrictions on movement made all archaeological work impossible. During the British Military Administration numerous finds were made, but work was concentrated on preservation, and excavation was only undertaken when it was clearly essential to do so. In the Walled City of Rhodes the clearance of several large bombdamaged areas presents a golden opportunity to excavate into the levels of the Greek and Roman cities which have hitherto been all too well hidden by the medieval and Turkish buildings. It is to be hoped that something may be done to this end before the areas are covered over again by new buildings. I am indebted for most of the information contained in this article to Professor Morricone of the Instituto Storico-Archeologico di Rodi who also supplied Fig. 2.

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The Anglo-Ethiopian treaty of 1902

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies ◽

10.1017/s0041977x00132100 ◽

1967 ◽

Vol 30 (3) ◽

pp. 641-654 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Edwakd Ullendorff

Keyword(s):

British Military ◽

Military Administration

The Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1902 was designed to determine the frontier between the Sudan and Ethiopia. In an annex to this treaty the British, Italian, and Ethiopian Governments embodied a number of agreed modifications to the frontier between the Sudan and Eritrea (Italy's colonia primogenita) as well as to that between Ethiopia and Eritrea. While the latter survived until the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935–6 (and was re-established, in substance, by the British Military Administration in 1941 subsisting until the Ethiopian-Eritrean federation in 1952), the Sudan-Ethiopian frontier has remained substantially unchanged to the present day. The treaty was the culmination of protracted negotiations between the Emperor Menelik and the British Agent in Ethiopia, Lt.-Col. J. L. Harrington.

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PERIODICALS IN THE SYSTEM OF NAZI PROPAGANDA IN OCCUPIED TERRITORIES OF UKRAINE IN 1941–1943s

Kyiv Historical Studies ◽

10.28925/2524-0757.2020.2.16 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 11 (2) ◽

pp. 116-124

Author(s):

Oksana Salata

Keyword(s):

Effective Means ◽

Information Policy ◽

German Occupation ◽

Nazi Occupation ◽

The Press ◽

Military Administration ◽

Occupied Territories ◽

The Subject ◽

The Military

In this article, the role of periodicals in the propaganda activities of the occupation authorities of the Reichskommissariat Ukraine and the military administration zone has been revealed; the content and types of periodicals have been shown; the task set before them by the Nazi occupation authorities in forming appropriate ideological structures to influence the population of the occupied territories of Ukraine has been disclosed. It is shown that Hitler’s governance used the press as one of the effective means of influencing not only the opinion, but also the consciousness of the population of the temporarily occupied territories. The subject of the study is the content of periodicals and their influence on the behaviour, moral and psychological condition of the population of the Ukrainian territories occupied by the Nazi army. The main aspects of Nazi Germany’s information policy in the occupied territories have been revealed with the use of comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods, as well as content analysis, which allowed to analyse the content of periodicals and to highlight the features of their content lines. The occupation administration used various forms of propaganda: publishing newspapers and magazines in Ukrainian; demonstrating special films in cinemas; releasing visual agitation in the form of posters and leaflets, as well as documentary exhibitions; through theatre plays, radio broadcasts in Ukrainian, Russian and other languages. It resorted to the modern methods of using the press in times of the war. The population of the temporarily occupied territories of the USSR demanded news as the only opportunity to navigate in those difficult conditions. That is why Hitler’s governance used the press as one of the effective means of influence not only the opinion, but also the consciousness of the population of the temporarily occupied territories. The German occupation authorities tried to take advantage of the “information hunger” that prevailed after the retreat of Soviet troops and to fill the information vacuum with their own propaganda. In order to spread the necessary information among the population, the Nazi occupation authorities published newspapers and magazines in each region, district, city.

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«In Memory of the Innocent Victims…»? Bleiburg – controversial “place of memory” in Croatia

MGIMO Review of International Relations ◽

10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-157-177 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 13 (4) ◽

pp. 157-177

Author(s):

M. V. Belov ◽

S. V. Kuznetsova

Keyword(s):

Functional Model ◽

Research Literature ◽

Politics Of Memory ◽

The Public ◽

New Politics ◽

British Military ◽

Military Administration ◽

The Public Sphere ◽

National Reconciliation ◽

Official Status

The article is devoted to the Bleiburg myth in the politics of memory in modern Croatia. In mid-May 1945 the contingents which were trying to move to the West and avoid the possible reprisals against them by the victorious communists were transferred to the Yugoslav partisans by the British military administration. Among them prevailed the members of Croatian Ustasha and Slovene Home Guard, but there were also representatives of other nationalities of Yugoslavia. Soon after the war all the victims of the massacres that took place in 1945 and those who died from hunger and illness during the transfer were Croatized through the efforts of the Croatian emigration. After the collapse of Yugoslavia and during the war (1991–1995), the Bleiburg myth began to acquire official status. The return of Ustasha soldiers as heroes to the public sphere under F. Tudjman was due to the concept of «national reconciliation», which was carried out not through awareness of guilt and acceptance of responsibility for the crimes committed, but through their full or partial justification.The first part of the article reviews the research literature on the Bleiburg myth, the stages of its formation and functional significance. The second part examines the public debate around the Sarajevo mass for the murdered and other commemorative events in the anniversary in May 2020. They are compared with the evaluations of the Bleiburg narrative-ritual complex expressed in the literature.The 75th anniversary of Bleiburg commemorated in an atmosphere of fatigue from the restrictions due to the coronavirus pandemic and on the eve of the Croatian parliamentary elections, demonstrated deep social division, the contested character of history and the political interest in discussing this tragedy. Comparison of the research literature with publications in the mass press indicates the obviousness of the functional model of the Bleiburg myth for a significant segment of Croatian society. Although the demand for renewal of the memorial repertoire seems to have increased, it is still not enough for the transition to the new politics of memory.

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