scholarly journals Political Representation in the Korean National Assembly

1972 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chong Lim Kim ◽  
Byung-Kyu Woo
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
National Assembly

Alternate Paths to Power? Women's Political Representation in Nicaragua

2012 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa ◽  
Ana Vijil Gurdián
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Women’S Representation

AbstractPolitical alternate positions (otherwise known as substitutes) can have important effects on women's abilities to enter politics. Using the case of Nicaragua, this study assesses whether these alternate positions are being used to increase women's political representation or as a tool to undermine women's advancement into positions of power. By examining patterns of women's representation as candidates in the 1996, 2001, and 2006 elections for the National Assembly and as elected officeholders (as both alternates for those assembly members and titleholders), the article analyzes how various political parties are utilizing these alternate positions. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this study finds no evidence that these alternate positions are used to undermine women's political progress.

Recent research Women's political representation in the National Assembly for Wales

2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Edwards ◽  
Christine Chapman
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
National Assembly

scholarly journals The composition of the National Assembly of Serbia: Challenges and obstacles

2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (90) ◽  
pp. 39-59
Author(s):  
Irena Pejić
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Question ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Internal Organization ◽  
Normative Framework ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

Given that political parties participate in the formation, structuring and activity of the parliament, their presence has had a dual impact on the National Assembly of Serbia in the past three decades. On the one hand, their influence has been reflected on the internal structure and efficiency of parliamentary work. On the other hand, the party system combined with the electoral model has left its mark on the mode of political representation. The paper focuses on the impact the political parties have had on the National Assembly in the Republic of Serbia, particularly their influence on the internal organization of the Assembly and the effectiveness in the parliamentary process. The main goal is to explore the normative framework and parliamentary practice in order to analyze the actual prospects of the National Assembly to meet the basic postulates for exercising effective national representation. The main question is whether the Assembly, relying on its constitutional autonomy, is able to achieve the goals of the "working parliament" and the political representation of all citizens. The problem develops around the extent to which the people's representation is capable of exercising its constitutional functions if it does not support and protect the differentiated political will of the people. The aim is to point out to the possibilities provided by the normative framework and the need for successful parliamentary practice in exercising parliamentary autonomy. Parliamentary autonomy is necessary not only for good internal organization of parliament and effectiveness in the parliamentary process but also in terms of strengthening the National Assembly's external impact and position towards the holders of the executive power. The subject matter of analysis are the activities of political parties in parliament, observed through the work of parliamentary groups and parliamentary committees, as well as a lack of the parliamentary opposition guarantees.

scholarly journals The Influence of Gender Quotas on Women’s Participation in Legislative Processes in the National Assembly of the 11th Parliament of Kenya (2013 -2017)

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (II) ◽  
pp. 260-279
Author(s):  
Felogene Gor Anumo ◽  
Florence Okemwa Pacificah
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Key Informant ◽  
Legislative Processes ◽  
Depth Interviews

This study sought to explore whether indeed the increase in number of women occasioned by Affirmative Action principles in the 2010 Constitution of Kenya has enhanced women’s political participation in the National Assembly. The specific objectives were: to analyze the levels of women parliamentarians’ participation on agenda setting and policy output in the National Assembly; to assess the effectiveness of gender quotas as a political tool for ensuring pursuance of the gender agenda in the National Assembly and to discuss constraints faced by women parliamentarians as they seek to influence policy output and enact laws. The March 4, 2013 General Elections which ushered in the 11th Parliament were considered landmark owing to the fact this it was the first General Election to incorporate affirmative action seats. As the term of the 11th Parliament came to a close, it was highly important to find out how effective gender quotas have been in achieving meaningful change for women representatives. The study was guided by Hanna Pitkin’s (1967) framework that she employed in her work “Conception of Women’s Political Representation”. The study was additionally informed by Dahlerup (1988) “Critical Mass theory”. The study made use of cross-sectional descriptive study design. The study was done with members of KEWOPA from the National Assembly of the Parliament of Kenya. The membership of the association consists of all the women Members of Parliament from all the political parties both elected and nominated. The target population of the study were the 68 KEWOPA members from the National Assembly with a sample size of 40 respondents calculated using the Yamane model. Questionnaires were used as the main data collection tool alongside key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. Validity and reliability of the instruments were measured to ensure accuracy and consistency. The study data was analysed thematically. A descriptive approach was involved where direct quotes and selected comments from informants have been used to explain the trends. Triangulation of data was done by looking into complementary and divergent opinions across the key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. The findings of the study suggest that there is still need to create and expand opportunities for women parliamentarians to enable them become more active and effective participants in the legislative processes of the National Assembly. The findings raises the question on what current efforts are being put in place by political parties and the Registrar of Political parties to ensure that the Affirmative Action. The findings are useful to assess the gains of women political representation and inform the lessons; experiences and can be harnessed to strengthen effective women’s political participation in legislature and policy making. They will contribute to informed public debate and critique on the effectiveness of women’s affirmative action for increased participation and visibility on political platforms. Finally, legislators in parliament and policy makers in government will benefit from insights into what it takes to effectively support women’s participation in legislative processes and how to leverage their numbers in parliament to the country’s advantage. Women aspirants need to be made aware of the challenges they expect to face at the National Assembly. It is also critical to raise awareness among women aspiring politicians and other members of the community to create awareness and address the stereotypes that have continued to ensure only a handful of women succeed in the legislative space. As women and women’s organisations continue to agitate for an increase in number of women legislators, they should equally work to transform the ideology of patriarchy and retrogressive institutional culture in Parliament. This is an open-access article published and distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License of United States unless otherwise stated. Access, citation and distribution of this article is allowed with full recognition of the authors and the source.

Sieyes, Emmanuel Joseph (1748–1836)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Thinker ◽  
Practical Impact ◽  
The Revolution

The Abbé Sieyes is best known for his 1789 pamphlet What is the Third Estate?, which set the constitutional agenda for the new French National Assembly. His rhetorical attacks on aristocratic privilege, alongside his promotion of the Third Estate, political representation and popular sovereignty, marked him as a first-rate political thinker. His writings also had a practical impact. Yet he had trained as a priest, only entering political life in 1788. His subsequent fate became intertwined with that of the Revolution. Ironically, Sieyes, who helped ‘open’ the revolution, also played a part in its conclusion, laying the ground for Napoleon’s coup d’état of 1799.

Silence of the Land: On the Historical Irrelevance of Territory to Congressional Districting and Political Representation in the United States

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Communities Of Interest

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.

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