People, Positions, and Power: The Political Appointments of Lyndon Johnson.Richard L. Schott , Dagmar S. Hamilton

1985 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1273-1276
Author(s):  
Martha Joynt Kumar
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanwen Chen ◽  
Song Tang ◽  
Donghui Wu ◽  
Daoguang Yang

In China's political selection system, officials capable of growing local economies are reward-ed with promotions. Eager to demonstrate economic achievements, newly appointed local lead-ers may raise tax revenues to expand fiscal expenditures on infrastructure projects. Against this backdrop, we study how political appointments influence local firms' tax planning. Based on a sample of locally administered state-owned enterprises (SOEs), we find firms decrease their tax avoidance after new leaders take office. The political-turnover effect on these firms' tax positions is more evident when the incoming leaders have more political clout over SOE managers, the incentives to divert resources are stronger, or politician-manager networks are present, and subsides following the launch of the anticorruption campaign. Furthermore, firms with higher post-turnover tax payments subsequently receive more government contracts or subsidies. Overall, our findings suggest political incentives shape the tax-planning activities of SOE managers in a "two-way favor exchange" manner.


1984 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 537
Author(s):  
Hugh Heclo ◽  
Richard L. Schott ◽  
Dagmar S. Hamilton ◽  
John W. Macy ◽  
Bruce Adams ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Bonnie N. Field

Abstract This study examines whether the sex of the selector matters for advancing women's inclusion in politics and how the political context shapes selectors’ preferences and behaviour. It focuses on an under-researched area – the political appointments ministers make in their ministerial departments – and thus sheds light on the conditions under which women access appointed office. It analyses six governments in Spain between 1996 and 2018, using a mixed methods approach that includes statistical analyses of political appointments and interviews with former ministers. It finds that women ministers, as individuals, did not appoint more women than men ministers did at any time. However, women's presence is highly relevant. In more gender-balanced political contexts, men and women ministers appointed more women. Moreover, the context changed, in part because critical political actors pushed for it. This imbued a new political sphere, subcabinet-appointed offices, with representational significance.


1985 ◽  
Vol 90 (4) ◽  
pp. 1032
Author(s):  
Henry F. Graff ◽  
Richard L. Schott ◽  
Dagmar S. Hamilton

2010 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 91-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Hult ◽  
Robert Maranto

With the noted exception of George H.W. Bush, Republican presidents since Dwight Eisenhower have pursued administrative presidency strategies, which include political appointments to subcabinet positions. Less clear is whether and how appointments strategies affect the reactions of careerists to political appointees. Here, we turn for insight to data collected from senior careerists during the administration of Ronald Reagan, which emphasized such strategies. The findings indicate that careerists’ ideology influenced their views of the political appointees for whom they worked, particularly in regulatory agencies. Agency affiliation also was important, though not always as anticipated.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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