Women’s Path to the Pulpit

Chapter 2 presents the life histories of women pastors and reveals the gendered barriers they face from childhood to becoming a pastor within the context of Baptist life. This chapter shows how women ministers face gendered barriers on their professional paths from childhood to adolescence to college to seminary to securing a pastoral position and after. These gendered hurdles include exclusionary theology reinforced by interactions with pastors, parents, and trusted peers, as well as a lack of opportunities for professional development, engaging same-sex role models, and family support. Women’s internalization of these barriers largely contributes to inner conflicts about pursuing the pastoral ministry and ultimately results in an indirect career trajectory.

Op pad met gereformeerdheid

An Afrikaans woman minister of the Word: en route with being reformedAuto-ethnography, as developed by Caroline Ellis, allows this author to tell her story as an ordained minister of the Word in the Reformed tradition in South Africa, working within a variety of cultures and ecumenical relationships. After “auto-ethnography” is explained as a methodological point of departure, the author, firstly, describes views on womanhood in the Reformed Afrikaans culture in which she was born as well as her reaction to it. Secondly, the culture of the academic reaction against apartheid is briefly described in which she was engaged as a white, Afrikaans speaking woman lecturer in Theology, of which there were very few during the 1980s and 1990s. Finally, the challenges of being the only white woman minister of the Uniting Reformed Church in Southern Africa are identified and discussed within the past, present and future of Afrikaans speaking Reformed women ministers in South Africa.

Ministras de Estado: uma análise prosopográfica das mulheres nos cargos máximos da República de 1985 a 2019

RESUMOConsiderando que a representatividade de grupos politicamente minoritários em espaços de decisão engloba diferentes estratégias a depender da forma de indicação ou ascensão ao cargo, a presente pesquisa se propõe a tecer uma análise prosopográfica das Ministras de Estado brasileiras desde a redemocratização do País, iniciando a leitura de dados a partir do Governo José Sarney (1995) e alcançando a seleção de ministérios feita por Jair Bolsonaro (2019). Trata-se de uma tentativa de compreender a faceta identitária da representação – isto é, a análise tem como foco a trajetória das mulheres escolhidas no período em questão para ocupar os cargos de confiança mais altos da República. Para tanto, parte-se de uma relação de quem são essas mulheres, análise essa aprofundada a partir de critérios de titulação, carreira política e partidária, proximidade com organizações religiosas e participação em movimentos e organizações sociais. Analisaram-se, simultaneamente, quais foram as pastas ocupadas por elas – e como determinados setores são ainda um tabu para a representação feminina. A partir de tais dados, é possível traçar perfis sobre as mulheres do alto escalão da República e, com isso, compreender quem elas são e como alcançaram esses cargos.PALAVRAS-CHAVERepresentação. Mulheres. Ministras. Burocracia. Trajetórias políticas. ABSTRACTConsidering that the representations of political minority groups in decision-making spaces encompass different strategies depending on the form of nomination or ascension to the position, the present research aims to perform a prosopographical analysis of the female Brazilian Ministers of State since the redemocratization of the country, with data analysis beginning in the José Sarney Government (1995) up to the ministry selection made by Jair Bolsonaro (2019). It will attempt to understand the facets related to identity representation - therefore the analysis will focus on the journey of the chosen women in the period in question to occupy the highest trust positions in the Republic. The article will start with a backstory on each woman followed by an in-depth analysis based on the criteria of title, political and party career, proximity to religious organizations and participation in social movements and organizations. Simultaneously, the research will analyze the political roles these women occupied - and how certain sectors are still taboo for female representation. Such data will allow this research to draw profiles on women of the highest echelon of the Republic and, with that, understand who they are and how they reach these positions.KEYWORDSRepresentation. Women. Ministers. Bureaucracy. Political trajectories.

Ministers, Gender and Political Appointments

This study examines whether the sex of the selector matters for advancing women's inclusion in politics and how the political context shapes selectors’ preferences and behaviour. It focuses on an under-researched area – the political appointments ministers make in their ministerial departments – and thus sheds light on the conditions under which women access appointed office. It analyses six governments in Spain between 1996 and 2018, using a mixed methods approach that includes statistical analyses of political appointments and interviews with former ministers. It finds that women ministers, as individuals, did not appoint more women than men ministers did at any time. However, women's presence is highly relevant. In more gender-balanced political contexts, men and women ministers appointed more women. Moreover, the context changed, in part because critical political actors pushed for it. This imbued a new political sphere, subcabinet-appointed offices, with representational significance.

Women in Seychelles

Seychellois society is generally perceived to be matrifocal. This is because women’s influence is considered all pervasive, from the family unit to church and political activities and public service institutions. Since its social revolution in the last quarter of the 20th century, Seychelles has been considered very avant-garde in its promotion of women in responsible positions. It is important to note, however, that though this promotion of women has not specifically targeted any social class, it is working-class women who have benefited the most from it. In the first place, the working class in Seychelles has always been a much larger majority. The landowning and merchant class have, since the early settlement period and throughout colonial history, been restricted to a few but very influential people. Thus, though women in these classes have also benefited from social reform and emancipation, it has not been the norm to assess changes within their ranks simply because their numbers are negligible compared to the working class. Second, social reform in Seychelles was led by a socialist government, which emphasized a classless society, with the intention of leveling the field for working-class people. Thus, women’s emancipation has almost always been seen from a working-class perspective. If there is an economic middle class in 21st-century Seychelles, it has emerged from the working class. Thus, this article tends to focus on the working class. It is also important to note that a result of women’s emancipation and accession to prominent positions in government and middle management has been the perceived tendency to emphasize the failures of the male population. With no less than ten women’s associations in existence and the current global push for promoting women’s causes, Seychellois men have begun to feel marginalized and have formed their own associations to promote their cause and image. However, the matrifocal nature of Seychellois society might indeed be just a perception. In effect, men still hold the top positions in key domains of power such as the Cabinet and Parliament. Women ministers are often perceived as having been promoted through the benevolence of a male presidency. In fact, there is a certain amount of gender power conflict in Seychelles, which might result from (a) the clashing of patriarchal and matriarchal systems imposed by colonialism, (b) male subjugation and female exploitation during and after slavery, and (c) female emancipation during the socialist era.

Does the Gender of Ministers Matter? A Critical Analysis of the Appointment and Performance of Women Ministers under President Goodluck Jonathan’s Administration in Nigeria, 2011-2015

In a presidential system of government, the executive arm is the highest organ of policy formulation and implementation. This, to a large extent, is complemented by the oversight and law making functions of the legislature for a functional governance. In addition to the President and the Vice President who are often elected, several appointees of the President make up the executive council, and are responsible to the President who takes stock of their performance and determine their continued relevance in office. Researches on gender studies often highlight the roles of these appointees, especially in respect to parity issues and the need for equal representation. Surprisingly, however, scholarly works on gender and politics in Nigeria often fails to study the activities of women ministers and their impact on policy. The Goodluck Jonathan administration is credited for mobilizing the highest proportion of women into ministerial positions since the dawn of the Fourth Republic. It then becomes imperative to ask if the performance of the women ministers, considering the influence they wield under the regime, portrays them as acting in the interest of women in the country. Drawing largely on secondary data. The study seeks to answer this question by profiling the women appointees and investigating the factors that influenced the unprecedented increase in the number of women ministers under President Jonathan’s administration, with a view to assessing their impact on policy making especially with regard to women issues.

Poverty has a Woman’s face

The global impact of four women Ministers of Development on empowering women and eradicating their poverty was varied, multidimensional, and substantial but difficult to measure with any degree of accuracy. Their very existence and actions as a group had an important demonstration effect in empowering women in developing countries. Though they did not launch a joint ‘gender’ initiative as such, they each took many initiatives in their national development policies to raise the profile of gender issues, increase women’s empowerment, and reduce their poverty. They also worked together to support international undertakings aimed at improving women’s access to education and health care, and empowering them on issues of family planning. More broadly they supported initiatives on women’s rights and strengthening their status in society. This chapter starts with a short review of their efforts to empower women before they became ministers. It then presents examples of their efforts as Development Ministers at the national level as well as in support of global initiatives in which one or more of them were involved.

Introduction

The first part of the Introduction summarizes the main development challenges facing the global community in the 1990s and the key policy and programme changes that became the focus of the collaboration among the four women Ministers for International Development: Eveline Herfkens of the Netherlands, Hilde F. Johnson of Norway, Clare Short of the United Kingdom, and Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul of Germany, the so-called Utstein Four. The second part describes briefly the content of each of the chapters of the volume.

Women Cabinet Ministers’ Substantive Representation in Africa

Research on women executives’ substantive representation is currently drawing serious attention given women’s increasing inclusion in cabinets globally. However, these studies rarely question whether women ministers across Africa represent women’s interests. Using primary semi-structured interview data conducted with forty-nine interviewees, including seventeen ministers in Nigeria and South Africa, this article explores whether women politicians advocate for women’s interests. It centers a critical understanding of the cabinet as an embedded institution, embraces a context-specific understanding of substantive representation, and demonstrates that women ministers’ representation of women’s interests occurs mostly in nonlegislative ways. It presents an expansive three-level conception of substantive representation.

OPTIMALISASI PEMBERDAYAAN PEREMPU-AN DALAM KEPEMIMPINAN EFEKTIF

The challenge in dealing changes and demands in coming era is the rapid change of dynamic times. So that, the role of women is needed in dealing an existing problems in society, such as many social problems that occur in the society. therefore, need a leader who is reliable and resilient. Today, women's leadership is still being debated because some Muslim societies are viewed cynically, even though it has long been found that women have succeeded in being the subject of achieving leadership goals, for example in development, so the term "Women's Leadership" is no longer suitable to used, because the more suitable is "Optimizing the Empowerment of Women's Leadership". One example in the Jokowi-JK government has been to appreciated the role of women in strategic positions than the previous government. There are eight women ministers in Jokowi government, namely Rini Soemarno (Minister of State-Owned Enterprises), Siti Nurbaya (Minister of Forestry and Environment), Puan Maharani (Coordinating Minister for Human Development and Culture), Nila F Moeloek (Minister of Health), Khofifah Indar Parawansa (Minister of Social Affairs), Yohana Yembise (Minister of Women's Empowerment and Child Protection), Retno LP Marsudi (Minister of Foreign Affairs), and Susi Pudjiastuti (Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries), as well as nine KPK panelists who are women. they can show achievements according to their duties and responsibilities. So far, women's efforts still face many obstacles or challenges. These obstacles or challenges start from external factors and internal factors. In addition, the role of women is needed in the family, this is an asset of the nation that makes the next generation to build a developed, fair, and prosperous country. Tantangan dalam menghadapi perubahan dan tuntutan di era mendatang adalah perubahan jaman yang dinamis. Oleh karena itu diperlukan peran perempuan dalam menghadapi permasalahan yang ada di masyarakat, seperti berbagai permasalahan sosial yang terjadi di masyarakat. Oleh karena itu dibutuhkan seorang pemimpin yang handal dan tangguh. Kepemimpinan perempuan saat ini masih diperdebatkan karena sebagian masyarakat muslim dipandang sinis, padahal sudah lama ditemukan bahwa perempuan telah berhasil menjadi subjek pencapaian tujuan kepemimpinan, misalnya dalam pembangunan, sehingga istilah "Kepemimpinan Perempuan" tidak ada. lagi cocok dipakai, karena yang lebih cocok adalah "Mengoptimalkan Pemberdayaan Kepemimpinan Wanita". Salah satu contoh dalam pemerintahan Jokowi-JK adalah mengapresiasi peran perempuan pada posisi-posisi strategis dibanding pemerintahan sebelumnya. Ada delapan menteri perempuan di pemerintahan Jokowi, yakni Rini Soemarno (Menteri Badan Usaha Milik Negara), Siti Nurbaya (Menteri Kehutanan dan Lingkungan Hidup), Puan Maharani (Menteri Koordinator Pembangunan Manusia dan Kebudayaan), Nila F Moeloek (Menteri Kesehatan). ), Khofifah Indar Parawansa (Menteri Sosial), Yohana Yembise (Menteri Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Perlindungan Anak), Retno LP Marsudi (Menteri Luar Negeri), dan Susi Pudjiastuti (Menteri Kelautan dan Perikanan), serta sembilan orang Panelis KPK yang perempuan. mereka dapat menunjukkan prestasi sesuai dengan tugas dan tanggung jawabnya. Selama ini upaya perempuan masih menghadapi banyak kendala atau tantangan. Hambatan atau tantangan tersebut dimulai dari faktor eksternal dan faktor internal. Selain itu, peran perempuan sangat dibutuhkan dalam keluarga, hal ini merupakan aset bangsa yang menjadikan generasi penerus bangsa untuk membangun negara yang maju, adil, dan sejahtera.