Political Power and Personal Freedom: Critical Studies in Democracy, Communism, and Civil Rights.

1960 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Robert Lekachman ◽  
Sidney Hook
Poll Power ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 135-136
Author(s):  
Evan Faulkenbury

This brief conclusion echoes the argument of the book, that the VEP served as the civil rights movement’s behind-the-scenes engine, and conservatives sabotaged the movement through the Tax Reform Act of 1969. Conservatives continue to fight black voting power, and the roots of these efforts go back to the VEP. Vernon Jordan concludes this book by suggesting the fight for political power will continue.


Author(s):  
Max Krochmal

This chapter describes the growing demonstrations during the 1960s, as the sit-in movement spreads to Texas. Elder activists join the young in expressing their demands. In less than three years after the first sit-ins, the revived African American civil rights movements would succeed in desegregating public accommodations in urban areas throughout Texas and the South, counting a major coup on the road to their larger goals of equal treatment, improved economic opportunities, and real political power.


Author(s):  
Robert Bussel

This chapter examines how Harold Gibbons and Ernest Calloway's ambitious plans were derailed by aggressive investigations of alleged union corruption in which the Teamsters became a primary target and Local 688 faced sharp public scrutiny. It begins with a discussion of the successful campaign launched by Gibbons and the Teamsters, in collaboration with Calloway and the NAACP, against the charter reform initiative in St. Louis that would have diluted the union movement's political power and circumscribed the St. Louis civil rights movement's growing influence. It then considers Jimmy Hoffa's disputed election as Teamsters president and how the union's increasing use of trusteeships rankled local Teamsters across the country and came under scrutiny from Congressional investigators. It also explores Gibbons and Calloway's failed attempt to rally support for the Powell Amendment, proposed by New York Congressman Adam Clayton Powell to bar unions from practicing racial discrimination.


Author(s):  
Emma J. Folwell

The introduction traces the intertwined history of racism and poverty in Mississippi and describes how civil rights activists used these experiences in shaping their fight for racial justice. It outlines the central argument of the book, explaining that from 1965 to 1973, there was both a war against poverty and a war against the war on poverty in Mississippi. The war on poverty provided a powerful tool for black empowerment, drawing on the vitality of Mississippi’s civil rights movement. At the same time, the fight against the war on poverty served as a template for white resistance and entrenchment, and as a way to undermine liberalism, marginalize black political power, and articulate a new conservatism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-130
Author(s):  
Davis W. Houck

Despite the proliferation of interest in James Baldwin across popular culture and the academy, few, if any, critical studies of his public oratory have been conducted. This is unfortunate and ironic—unfortunate because Baldwin was a marvelous orator, and ironic in that his preferred solution to what ailed whites and blacks as the Civil Rights movement unfolded was thoroughly rhetorical. That is, Baldwin’s racial rhetorical revolution involved a re-valuing of the historical evidence used to keep blacks enslaved both mentally and physically across countless generations. Moreover, for Baldwin the act of naming functions to chain both whites and blacks to a version of American history psychologically damaging to both. Three speeches that Baldwin delivered in 1963 amid the crucible of civil rights protest illustrate these claims.


Author(s):  
Max Krochmal

This chapter describes the growing militancy of PASO and African American activists from 1962 on. In response to conservative democratic gubernatorial candidate John Connally, African American and Mexican American activists would both take to the streets, reenergizing their respective civil rights movements with new campaigns for complete integration, real political power, and equal economic opportunity.


2018 ◽  
pp. 86-108
Author(s):  
Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood

This chapter documents the aftermath of Butler’s defeat for reelection in 1883. Butler’s supporters and a growing group of black independents backed Grover Cleveland for president of the United States. They hoped that Cleveland’s election would inaugurate a national black commitment to political independence and push the national Democratic Party towards a pro-civil rights agenda. Black Bostonians worked with like-minded activists in other states to leverage black political power towards recognition from the Cleveland administration. Despite some success, the limited gains in black rights during the Cleveland administration illuminated the limits of siding with the Democratic Party.


Author(s):  
Julie A. Gallagher

This chapter charts the impressive leap that African American women made into national arenas of political power starting in the early 1960s. Racial discrimination and social injustices in jobs, housing, education, and politics—problems that women had been fighting for the past four decades—were now raised before leaders of the liberal political establishment at the national level. When time passed and many of the changes women hoped for were not forthcoming, women did what they had done in the past: they utilized outside pressure groups and organized constituents to demand change and to hold leaders accountable. Additionally, these women, who had always understood their struggles for justice and equality through a prism of race, had to determine their individual and collective relationships to the burgeoning feminist movement they were helping usher in.


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