The Eligibility of British Subjects as Judges of the Permanent Court of International Justice

1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 714-725
Author(s):  
Walter Pollak

The object of the present article is to attempt an interpretation of paragraph two of Article 10 of the Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice in order to discover, if possible, the position of the British Empire and of the British Dominions in regard to the election of judges of the Permanent Court.

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-277
Author(s):  
Basudhita Basu

The present article is mainly concerned with Bengal, the first province to witness the rise of British Empire in India. The Bengalis were looked upon by the British as deficient in masculinity, yet ironically a large proportion of the Westernised bureaucrats through whom India was ruled were Bengali Clerks or Babus. They formed the prime example of effeminacy.2 It is very important to examine how this games ethic got injected into the veins of these ‘effeminate’ Babus. How much spontaneous or induced it was? What were the factors that played important role in the spread of games in Bengal? The study tries to highlight the various ways through which sporting culture circulated among the Bengalis. Instead of offering a monocausal explanation, it is important to underline the aspect of multiple causalities. In this article, weightage has been given to the efforts of Anglo-Indian schools and various colleges, such as Presidency College, Scottish Church, St. Paul’s College and St. Xavier’s College, in spreading the sports culture. After looking into various sources and college magazines, it can be concluded that much emphasis was given to the Western sports.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Manley O. Hudson

The sixth year of the Permanent Court of International Justice has been busy and fruitful. The judges have been kept continuously at The Hague from the beginning of the twelfth(ordinary) session on June 15, 1927, to the end of the session on December 16, 1927. During the year the court has handed down four important orders, four judgments, and oneadvisory opinion. The following countries have been involved in cases or questions before the court during this period: Belgium, British Empire, China, Danzig, France, Germany Greece, Italy, Poland, Roumania, Turkey. The extent to which the court has been resortedto in six years is the best proof that it is filling a need in the international life ofour time. Whereas, in the course of its first six years, the Supreme Court of the Unite States handled but twelve cases, the Permanent Court of International Justice has now given eleven judgments and fourteen advisory opinions. Such a record seems to presage a useful rôle for the court in the future. It has now become so embedded in the world's treaty law that it would seem very difficult for the world ever again to be without it. In six years it has made significant contributions to our growing international jurisprudence, some of the most important of which have been made during the last twelve months.


1933 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-259
Author(s):  
Howard B. Calderwood

The guarantee clause of the Polish Minorities Treaty, which is the model for the treaties signed by eight other states, is as follows: “Poland agrees that the stipulations in the foregoing articles, so far as they affect persons belonging to racial, religious, or linguistic minorities, constitute obligations of international concern and shall be placed under the guarantee of the League of Nations. They shall not be modified without the assent of a majority of the Council of the League of Nations. The United States, British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan agree not to withhold their assent from any modification in these articles which is in due form assented to by a majority of the Council of the League of Nations. Poland agrees that any member of the Council of the League of Nations shall have the right to bring to the attention of the Council any infraction, or danger of infraction, of any of these obligations, and the Council may thereupon take such action and give such direction as it may deem proper and effective in the circumstances. Poland further agrees that any difference of opinion as to questions of law or fact arising out of these articles between the Polish government and any one of the principal Allied and Associated Powers or any other Power, a member of the Council of the League of Nations, shall be held to be a dispute of an international character under Article 14 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. The Polish government hereby consents that any such dispute shall, if the other party thereto demands, be referred to the Permanent Court of International Justice. The decisions of the Permanent Court shall be final, and shall have the same force and effect as an award under Article 13 of the Covenant.”


Itinerario ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Layton

“The stigma of piracy,” writes Sugata Bose, “has provoked heated historical and political debate without always shedding much new light on its meaning and substance.” As a stigma, it has not only misrepresented the morality and motives of so-called pirates, but has also succeeded in ascribing an air of criminality to their activities, in an absence of any law that would actually have made it so. Moreover, recounting the spectacles of piracy in world history once nourished a faltering vision of imperial triumph, in which the maritime violence of empires, particularly the British Empire, was seen to be a wonderful thing. Since then, naval history has run aground, while other historians have begun to confront some of the questions head on: what is a “pirate,” and what made its violence illegitimate relative to the power of sovereign states? Most important to the present article is questioning how piracy developed into a central pillar of maritime-imperial expansion. Was it, as Bose suggests, part of a wider “extraterritorial and universalist anticolonialism” within the Indian Ocean arena, or was it merely an oppositional fantasy that legitimised sea power against a ubiquitous and ill-defined foe?


2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 799-815 ◽  
Author(s):  
SONAKSHI GOYLE

ABSTRACTThe three imperial durbars held in Delhi for the coronation of British monarchs as the rulers of India were gatherings of royalty, administration, and the military, organized in the years 1877, 1903, and 1911. As impressively invented, improvised, and self-styled orientalist representations of the late Victorian tradition, these durbars were pageants of power, prestige, and authority, creations of their organizing viceroys: Robert Lytton (1877), George Curzon (1903), and Charles Hardinge (1911). But, as this article shows, they were also commemorative exhibitions of the triumphant memory of the event of 1857 (variously called the Indian Mutiny, Sepoy war, War of Independence), especially in Delhi which had to be emphasized regularly for perpetuating myths about British superiority and invincibility. Spread over a period of thirty-five years, these rituals of commemoration were performed through four illustrative choices. These were the selection of site, selection of mutiny veterans as participants, the construction of mutiny memorials, and contribution to the growth of mutiny pilgrimage tours. Drawing attention to the successive formation of 1857 as a seminal ‘cultural moment’ through its periodic commemoration, the present article brings to focus the enduring significance of the event for the British empire in India, which had to be re-visited time and again for purposes of legitimation and cultural appropriation.


2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 219-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bart Duriez ◽  
Claudia Appel ◽  
Dirk Hutsebaut

Abstract: Recently, Duriez, Fontaine and Hutsebaut (2000) and Fontaine, Duriez, Luyten and Hutsebaut (2003) constructed the Post-Critical Belief Scale in order to measure the two religiosity dimensions along which Wulff (1991 , 1997 ) summarized the various possible approaches to religion: Exclusion vs. Inclusion of Transcendence and Literal vs. Symbolic. In the present article, the German version of this scale is presented. Results obtained in a heterogeneous German sample (N = 216) suggest that the internal structure of the German version fits the internal structure of the original Dutch version. Moreover, the observed relation between the Literal vs. Symbolic dimension and racism, which was in line with previous studies ( Duriez, in press ), supports the external validity of the German version.


Author(s):  
Odile Husain

Le présent article tente d’effectuer un rapprochement entre un article européen de Rossel et Merceron et un livre américain de Reid Meloy, tous deux consacrés à l’analyse des organisations psychopathiques. Si tous les auteurs s’entendent sur l’économie narcissique du psychopathe, le choix de la population d’étude diffère quelque peu, en raison de l’approche structurale des premiers et de l’approche symptomatique du second. Tandis que l’étude suisse ne retient que des psychopathes du registre des états-limites, l’étude américaine inclut également des psychopathes de niveau psychotique. Par contre, la mésentente règne au niveau des outils d’analyse du discours psychopathique: analyse statistique et échelles validées chez Meloy; approche qualitative chez Rossel et Merceron. Aux premiers, l’on reprochera un certain réductionisme et appauvrissement du discours, prix à payer pour le respect de la standardisation et de la cotation. Aux seconds, l’on reprochera l’absence de toute quantification qui pose problème lorsque l’on aborde la question de la validité des données. Néanmoins, Européens et Américains s’entendent sur la notion d’un fonctionnement psychopathique. La relation d’objet est marquée par la pulsion agressive et ses dérivatifs, par la recherche de pouvoir et de contrôle. La lutte contre la dépendance est déduite chez Meloy de l’absence de réponse de texture et chez Rossel et Merceron de l’absence de contenus de dépendance. La qualité narcissique des représentations d’objet est mise en évidence, chez Meloy, par le biais de l’investissement du paraître, chez Rossel et Merceron par l’importance du processus d’externalisation. La dévalorisation des objets est aussi décrite. Ni les uns ni les autres ne font réellement référence à l’angoisse car cette angoisse qualifiable d’anaclitique s’exprime justement sous des manifestations tout à fait opposées. Le vide intérieur est déduit, chez Meloy, à partir de l’ennui que vit le psychopathe et, chez Rossel et Merceron, à partir de la survalorisation de la référence au réel. Une grande convergence existe entre les deux écrits au sujet des mécanismes de défense. Tous les auteurs s’accordent sur la prépondérance du clivage et du déni, un déni par le mot et l’acte chez Meloy, un déni hypomaniaque chez Rossel et Merceron. De part et d’autre de l’Atlantique, on s’accorde également pour attribuer une place importante à l’identification projective et à l’identification à l’agresseur. Par ailleurs, Rossel et Merceron démontrent comment à travers les caractéristiques de l’énonciation et les nuances de la verbalisation du psychopathe, il est possible d’inférer son non-investissement de la mentalisation et du savoir au profit d’un surinvestissement de l’agir. La complémentarité, voire la similarité, des commentaires dans les deux ouvrages devrait réconforter certains cliniciens, désarmés devant le fossé qui semble parfois régner entre la littérature des deux continents et confirmer, qu’indépendamment du type de méthodologie et de validation choisi, l’observation clinique du psychologue expérimenté demeure la pierre angulaire de toute recherche en psychopathologie.


1905 ◽  
Vol 59 (1521supp) ◽  
pp. 24373-24374
Author(s):  
John Eliot
Keyword(s):  

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