scholarly journals 1165. Seroprevalence of Chagas Disease among Latin American Children Living in New York

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S674-S674
Author(s):  
Andrew S Handel ◽  
Harriet Hellman ◽  
Egar Flores ◽  
Christy Beneri

Abstract Background Approximately 300,00 individuals in the United States are estimated to have Chagas disease. To date, only one seroprevalence study in the US has included children. Diagnosis during childhood prevents irreversible sequelae and is better tolerated than during adulthood. Seropositive children may be difficult to identify, as those infected vertically may have never visited an endemic region. We sought to identify children with Chagas disease through a pilot study of serology and risk factors. Methods Participants were recruited from Stony Brook University Hospital (SBUH) or an ambulatory pediatric office, both in Suffolk County, New York (population: 1,476,000; 20.2% Hispanic or Latino). Study participants were 1 - 25 years old, resided in Suffolk County, and either the child and/or the child’s mother was born in or had long-term residence (≥ 3 years) in Latin America. T. cruzi serum IgG was determined with a Chagatest ELISA (Weiner Lab) or a Chagas Detect Plus Rapid Test (InBios). Positive screens were confirmed with a second serologic test at the CDC. Participants completed a survey of demographics and Chagas disease knowledge and risk factors, in English or Spanish. Descriptive statistics were applied. SBUH IRB provided study approval. Results We enrolled 93 children (Table 1). Three (3.2%) had a positive IgG screen, of which only one had a confirmed infection (1.1%). This was a 17-year-old who had lived in a rural adobe home and moved to the US at 8 years old. No children or their mothers recalled being bitten by or seeing triatomine insects in their Latin American homes. Of 27 children whose mothers had been screened for infection, 13 were born to 3 mothers with confirmed Chagas disease; all 13 children were seronegative. Of 8 participants reporting other family members with Chagas disease, all were seronegative. Demographics of 93 participants screened for Chagas disease SD standard deviation; US: United States Conclusion Without reliable tools for identifying those at greatest risk of Chagas disease, universal screening of children born in high-risk Latin American regions remains a reasonable strategy. In addition, screening mothers born in Latin America is likely a more cost-efficient means to evaluate second-generation children. A tremendous knowledge gap of pediatric Chagas disease in the US remains. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures

PLoS ONE ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. e54056 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Jaime Miranda ◽  
Victor M. Herrera ◽  
Julio A. Chirinos ◽  
Luis F. Gómez ◽  
Pablo Perel ◽  
...  

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 33-56
Author(s):  
Massimo Introvigne

Latin American scholars have discussed interbellum “Theosophical networks” interested in new forms of spirituality as alternatives to Catholicism, positivism and Marxism. In this article I argue that these networks included not only progressive intellectuals and political activists but also artists in Latin America, the United States and Canada, and that their interests in alternative spirituality contributed significantly to certain artistic currents. I discuss three central locations for these networks, in part involving the same artists: revolutionary Mexico in the 1920s; New York in the late 1920s and 1930s; and New Mexico in the late 1930s and 1940s. The Theosophical Society, the Delphic Society, Agni Yoga and various Rosicrucian organizations attracted several leading American artists involved in the networks.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186810262110282
Author(s):  
Xiaoyu Pu ◽  
Margaret Myers

This article examines how the Chinese elites are interpreting China’s growing presence in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region and the various ways in which the United States is responding to China’s expanding activity in the region. Some of China’s elites caution that China’s international posturing could be overly assertive. Regarding China’s growing role in the LAC, they have made a note of US sensitivities, in addition to China’s challenges and limitations in various Latin American countries. Regarding the US response, some US concerns may be legitimate, and others are less valid. Looking ahead, even though US–China interactions in the LAC will remain competitive, the US and China could potentially avoid counterproductive policies while also pursuing pragmatic co-operation. While China does not yet face a serious problem of strategic overstretching in the LAC, China’s domestic debate on the topic will provide feedback to China’s policymakers and promote fruitful China–LAC relations.


Global Edge ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 127-147
Author(s):  
Alejandro Portes ◽  
Ariel C. Armony

This chapter considers Latin American beliefs and attitudes toward the United States. These beliefs and attitudes are multidimensional. They express tensions, paradoxes, and often ambivalence. Studies have indicated that access to information and personal contact with the United States are vital in shaping people's dispositions because these concrete interactions have a direct impact on individuals' conceptions about the United States. Research has also demonstrated that anti-Americanism in Latin America is shaped by ideology and national context. Miami has become an extension of Latin America and the Caribbean, where the culture is as influenced by Cubans, Haitians, Venezuelans, and other Latin groups as it is by the sophistication and allure of New York City and Hollywood.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 202-222
Author(s):  
Marcos Pires ◽  
◽  
Lucas Gualberto Nascimento ◽  

The election of Donald Trump caused a change in the direction of U.S. foreign policy for Latin America with the imposition of new sanctions on the Cuban government (starting a new cold war with the island) and the attempted regime changes in Venezuela and Nicaragua, whose governments are seen as a threat by Washington’s elite. In September 2018, during a speech at the opening session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, Donald Trump took up the principles of the Monroe Doctrine as formal a U.S. policy and rejected the alleged interference of foreign states in the western hemisphere and in the internal affairs of the United States — a direct allusion to China and Russia. This change in U.S. policy toward Latin America has had a great impact on Sino-Latin American relations in the context of political pressures and aggressive rhetoric seeking to curb the Chinese presence there. This article explores the motivation behind the new attitude of the United States in its relations with Latin America and how it impacts Sino-Latin American relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 597-625
Author(s):  
Martha I. Chew Sánchez

Abstract This article addresses the impact of settler colonialism by the Spanish and United States in the American continent in forming the base, development, and power of capitalism in the West. It provides a general overview of the United States’ unequal economic relationships with Latin American countries since the end of the nineteenth century to the present. It highlights the role evangelist groups have in changing the way coup d’états have been taking place in the region, in particular, to countries that had democratically elected presidents who were part of the “Pink Tide” and had a program to counterbalance neoliberal policies that were contributing to unprecedented economic inequality in their societies. One of the central questions in this work is the role of coloniality within Latin American countries and between the US and Latin America in the coup d’état against Evo Morales in Bolivia on November 10, 2019.


Author(s):  
Ilona Gritsenko

The paper outlines the contours of modern competitive interaction between the United States and the European Union in Latin America. Based on the Latin American country strategies of the US State Department and the European Commission documents, the author traces the priorities of the above mentioned global players in the region, highlighting those of them that are areas of conflict of interests between the US and the EU. Special attention is paid to the differences and commonalities in their approaches to topical issues and problematic items of the Latin American agenda.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum

AbstrakPenelitian ini berpendapat bahwa perjanjian kerja sama OAS menjadi instrumen Amerika Serikat untuk mencapai kepentingan keamanan dan ekonomi. Semangat untuk menyebarkan kebebasan dan hak asasi manusia dianggap sebagai karakter AS sebagai negara demokrasi liberal. Pemerintahan Obama mengambil kesempatan lebih besar untuk memperkuat kerja sama dengan negara-negara Amerika Latin melalui OAS sebagai sarana untuk merebut kekuasaan dan pengaruh yang berkaitan dengan masalah perjanjian perdagangan bebas Amerika Latin dan kontrol terhadap penyelundupan narkoba. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif. Data dan informasi diperoleh dari kajian pustaka. Peneliti menerapkan analisis konten dokumen melalui publikasi pemerintah, publikasi ilmiah, dan laporan. Perubahan kebijakan luar negeri AS di bawah pemerintahan Obama percaya pada reformasi pasar dan pragmatisme Amerika berdasarkan demokrasi dan liberalisasi perdagangan. Kemajuan ekonomi Mercosur memicu kepercayaan terhadap kemajuan pembangunan di antara negara-negara Amerika Latin dan membuat mereka menjauhi pengaruh politik AS. Sementara itu, keamanan nasional AS terancam oleh meningkatnya perdagangan narkoba dari Meksiko dan kawasan selatan sejak tahun 1980-an. Kerangka kerja kerja sama OAS dalam memerangi perdagangan narkoba yang dikembangkan oleh AS sebagai aktor dominan melegitimasi pengaruh AS dalam forum regional. Dengan memperkuat kerja sama AS dan Amerika Latin pada pengendalian obat-obatan, pemerintah AS mampu memanfaatkan berkembangnya ekonomi Mercosur dan merealisasikan kebijakan AS tentang pengendalian narkoba di seluruh kawasan Amerika.Kata kunci: Amerika Latin, Ekonomi Politik, Keamanan, Kepentingan, Regionalisme AbstractThis research argue on the OAS cooperation agreement becomes United States instrument to achieve the political economy and political security. The spirit to spread of freedom and human right perceived as the character of US as a liberal democratic country. The Obama administration take a greater chance to strengthened the cooperation with Latin American countries by the OAS as a means to seize power and influence dealt with the matter of Latin America free trade agreement and drugs control. This research used qualitative research method by descriptive analysis. The data and information obtained from library research. The researcher apply document content analysis through the government publications, scholars publications, IGO reports, and other research publication. The foreign policy changes of US foreign policy under Obama administration believe in market reform and American pragmatism based on democracy and trade liberalization. The economic advancement of Mercosur triger the confidence building among Latin America countries and let them survive without US political influence.Whereas, US national security threaten by the increasing of drug trafficking from Mexico and southern area since 1980s. The OAS framework of cooperation on combating drugs trafficking developed by US as the dominant actor to legitimate the US influence in American regional forum. By strengthening the US and Latin America cooperation on drugs control the US administration is able to contribute to the economic benefits of Mercosur and achieve US policy on drug control throughout the American region.Keywords: Interest, Latin America, Political Economy, Regionalism, Security


2014 ◽  
Vol 57 (spe) ◽  
pp. 9-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose León-Manríquez ◽  
Luis F. Alvarez

Contrary to what could be expected given the United States' historical hegemony of Latin America, growing Chinese influence in this region has not led to a dispute between China and the US. Despite activism of hard-line groups in the United States, both parties have faced the issue with noticeable pragmatism. This attitude could be explained by three variables: the US political negligence towards Latin America in the Post-Cold War, the focus of Sino-Latin American relations on economic rather than geopolitical or ideological affairs, and the scanty relevance of the region in the top priorities of overall Washington-Beijing relations.


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