The Moro National Liberation Front in the Philippines

1976 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lela Garner Noble
Keyword(s):  
The Philippines ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
National Liberation Front

scholarly journals Abu Sayyaf Group di Filipina Selatan setelah Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Prakoso Permono
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Criminal Group ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Abu Sayyaf Group ◽  
Abu Sayyaf

Filipina awal tahun 2019 diwarnai referendum di Filipina Selatan yang mengantarkan pada dibentuknya Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Konflik, instabilitas kawasan, dan perkembangan ancaman terorisme di Filipina Selatan khususnya dan umumnya di seluruh Filipina diharapkan berakhir dengan sebuah konsensus damai dan demokratis seiring terbentuknya pemerintahan transisi di BARMM. Harapan terciptanya perdamaian dengan keberadaan BARMM dalam tulisan ini dikaji secara spesifik dari salah satu kelompok teror yang berkembang di kawasan Filipina Selatan, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Keberadaan ASG pada mulanya merupakan dampak kekecewaan usaha perjanjian damai yang diinisiasi pemerintah dan kelompok teror terbesar saat itu Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), seiring dengan perkembangan waktu kelompok ASG bertransformasi menjadi sebuah kelompok kriminal dengan modus operandi penculikan dan permintaan tebusan, sekalipun tidak sepenuhnya meninggalkan posisi awalnya sebagai kelompok teror dengan kehendak separatis ideologis. Penelitian ini berusaha menjawab potensi dampak yang muncul pada ASG dengan dibentuknya BARMM di kawasan Filipina Selatan. Sayangnya opsi-opsi melemah dan bubarnya ASG yang disebabkan oleh keberadaan BARMM hanya dapat terjadi bila tercipta good governance dan penyelesaian persoalan dasar seperti kemiskinan dan potensi radikalisasi yang terus berkembang. Jawaban dari masa depan ancaman teror ASG di Filipina Selatan akhirnya tergantung seberapa besar penguasaan wilayah, penegakan hukum, dan pengentasan kemiskinan di Filipina Selatan.  Kata-kata kunci: Abu Sayyaf Group, Filipina Selatan, Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Early 2019 in the Philippines was marked by a referendum in Southern Philippines which led to establishment of Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Conflict, regional instability, and terrorism threats development especially in Southern Philippines and generally in all over Philippines are expected to end with a peaceful and democratic consensus as transitional government has formed already in the BARMM. The hope of creating peace with the presence of BARMM in this paper is specifically examined from one of terror group in the Southern Philippines region, the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). The existence of the ASG was initially a result of disappointment caused by peace agreement efforts initiated by Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) the largest terror group at that time, along with its development the ASG Group transforming into a criminal group with kidnapping and ransom as their main modus operandi, but not completely abandoned its initial position as a ideological terror group with separatism agenda. This research seeks to address the potential impacts of BARMM establishment in the Southern Philippines region to the development of ASG Group. Unfortunately, the options to weaken and to liquidate ASG caused by the presence of BARMM can only occur if good governance is created and the basic problems such as poverty in the region are resolved. The answer to the future of ASG terror threat in the Southern Philippines ultimately depends on how much territorial control, law enforcement, and poverty alleviation process in the Southern Philippines. Keywords: Abu Sayyaf Group, Southern Philippines, Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.

scholarly journals PERGULATAN MINORITAS DALAM NEGARA HEGEMONIC: STUDI KASUS MUSLIM BANGSAMORO DI MINDANAO, FILIPINA SELATAN

Dialog ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-118
Author(s):  
AHMAD SUAEDY
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Peace Talk ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Philippine Government ◽  
The Relationship

This article describes the relationship between political entities of the Bangsamoro or Muslims in Mindanao and of the Philippine government which may be said in a nadir since the cancellation of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain) signing plans between MILF (Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front) and the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) by the Supreme Court of the country in October 2008. Now their relationship is only bound by the temporary cease-fire. While the actual MILF is the only one course of representation of Muslims in Mindanao in addition to the MNLF (Mindanao National Liberation Front) and Kelompok Datu or traditional leaders. This research deduces that the plurality in the Bangsamoro itself becomes an obstacle in the peace talk process as the absence of a common platform among them. While GRP tends to speak with the faction of it separately, so it was impressed monolithic, there should be efforts to build a joint platform among different groups within the Bangsamoro. Furthermore, the GRP should facilitate the communication and the dialogue among factions within Bangsamoro. Besides, the GRP should convince people in Philippines of how important the peace with Bangsamoro is on behalf of a national interest in a whole. 

The Philippines

2019 ◽  
pp. 202-218
Author(s):  
Bryony Lau
Keyword(s):  
The Philippines ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government

This chapter examines how political interests in Mindanao and in Manila have made it difficult to resolve the territorial cleavage in southern Philippines, even though the 1987 Constitution envisioned Muslim autonomy within the unitary republic. It first provides a historical background on the Muslim insurgency in Mindanao, led by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and later, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). It also considers the 1976 Tripoli agreement signed under martial law, the drafting of the 1987 Constitution, and the creation of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao in 1989. It goes on to describe the period of constitutional engagement and more specifically, the “constitutional moment” for resolving the Mindanao question that began in mid-2010. Finally, it analyzes the outcome of the peace talks between the government and the Moro insurgents, along with some of significant the lessons that can be drawn from the experience.

‘Astounding it is, what Lidice carries’: The transport of Czechoslovak weapons for the Algerian National Liberation Front in 1959

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
Lenka Krátká
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
National Liberation Front

This article describes the detention in 1959 of the Czechoslovak ship Lidice, which was carrying weapons for the Algerian National Liberation Front, by the French Navy. Using documents from Czech archives, the study offers insights into this affair from two perspectives: first, that of the shipmaster and the officer for political affairs, who were aboard the ship during the detention; and second, that of the highest governmental and Communist Party authorities in Prague, which were concerned with the diplomatic and political aspects of the case.

American policy orientalized

2006 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-334
Author(s):  
Edmund F. Wehrle
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Diplomatic History ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Temple University ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
American Policy ◽  
Reign Of Terror ◽  
Ngo Dinh Diem ◽  
The U.S

America's Miracle Man in Vietnam presents a prime example of the controversial new cultural trend in U.S. diplomatic history. On the surface, the author's depiction of the process whereby Ngo Dinh Diem became America's candidate to head the new country of South Vietnam is familiar (see, for instance, George Herring, America's Longest War, Temple University Press, 1986, 50–69). Echoing others, Jacobs argues that the U.S. promotion of Diem ultimately led to severe setbacks in Southeast Asia. So blatant were Diem's flaws, Jacobs insists, virtually any prescient observer could have predicted his unsuitability to lead nascent South Vietnam. Diem had no political base, was “undeniably an autocrat,” and appeared to be an eccentric loner by virtually all accounts (38). Once in office, Diem predictably launched his “reign of terror and error,” alienating legions of his countrymen and strengthening his opposition, which emerged officially as the National Liberation Front in 1960 (17).

scholarly journals Sposoby obejścia konstytucyjnego zakazu reelekcji — kazus Nikaragui

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Joanna Składowska
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Alternative Solution ◽  
Original Version ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Amendment Procedure

The exclusion of the constitutional ban against reelection — example of NicaraguaThe Nicaraguan Constitution of 1987 in its original version guaranteed the free presidential re-election. The limits clause has been introduced by the amendment of 1995. Daniel Ortega who returned as the president in 2006 was directly interested in removing the restriction. The Sandinista National Liberation Front has no required majority in Parliament to carry out the amendment procedure. They seek the alternative solution, such as judicial instrument. The Nicaraguan Supreme Court sentence emitted on 19th of October 2009, declared the inapplicability of 147 of ConstitutionThe way to unlimited re-election has been opened. The purpose of the article is to analyse the process of changes of Nicaraguan Constitution between 1995 and 2014, regarding the re-election clause. The judicalization of this process shall be emphasized. In particular, the author will present legal analyse of both sentences of Nicaraguan Supreme Court i.e.emitted in October 2009 and September 2010It will be assessing in the context of the president-election’s regulation in Latin America presidentialism.

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