George Herbert's Authorship of ‘To the Queene of Bohemia’

1977 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-50
Author(s):  
Kenneth Alan Hovey

In 1870 H. Huth printed for the first time a poem evidently written in the early seventeenth century and bearing the title ‘To the Queene of Bohemia.’ The only sign of its authorship was the ‘G.H.’ printed after it. Aside from these initials no support was offered for the editor's statement that the poem was ‘probably from the pen of George Herbert.’ Four years later A. B. Grosart, apparently ignorant of Huth's book, printed the same poem from a different manuscript and ascribed the poem to George Herbert, not only because his manuscript too was initialed ‘G.H.’ but also because, as he argued, the poem's rhythm, form, and use of metaphors were like those found in The Temple? Further evidence for Herbert's authorship was supplied by the next two major editors of Herbert's works.

1970 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camille Slights

In The Country Parson or the Priest to the Temple George Herbert portrays his ideal parish priest not only as a man learned in the works of the Church Fathers and contemporary theology but as one who “greatly esteems also of cases of conscience, wherein he is much versed,” because “herein is the greatest ability of a parson to lead his people exactly in the wayes of Truth.” The case of conscience which the pastor of Bemerton praised so highly was, in the seventeenth century, the characteristic form of casuistry, the branch of theology which attempts to provide the perplexed human conscience with a means of reconciling the obligations of religious faith with the demands of particular human situations. In the case of conscience, the casuist poses, or is posed with, a difficult moral problem and solves it, often with a startling display of erudition and logical ingenuity.


Tempo ◽  
1950 ◽  
pp. 15-18
Author(s):  
Dennis Arundell

Ever since the seventeenth century composers of English operas have been handicapped by the snob-preference for foreign works irrespective of their merits. In Purcell's day a second-rate French composer, whose past is still shrouded in Continental mystery, was so boosted in London even by Dryden that it was only through an open-air performance by Mr. Priest's school-girls at Chelsea that Dido and Aeneas convinced both London theatre managers and eventually Dryden himself that Purcell was “equal with the best abroad.” In this century, when the usual opera favourites were established, it has been even more difficult for English opera-composers to get a showing (at one time it had not been unheard of for English operas to be translated into Italian or German for production in this country): but twenty-five years ago the Royal College of Music followed the example of Mr. Priest by producing for the first time Vaughan Williams' Hugh the Drover, which was afterwards given publicly by the British National Opera Company, and in 1931 under the auspices of the Ernest Palmer Opera Fund, introduced The Devil Take Her, the first opera by the Australian composer Arthur Benjamin. The enthusiasm of the singers, headed by Sarah Fischer and Trefor Jones, the cunning skill of the conductor, Sir Thomas Beecham and the practical knowledge of the producer, John B. Gordon, who had had so much experience at Cologne and who was at the time doing such good work for opera at the Old Vic, all combined to make the performance outstanding.


2014 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
David Harvey

At 3.60 Herodotus tells us that he has dwelt at length on the Samians because ‘they are responsible for three of the greatest buildings in the Greek world’: the tunnel of Eupalinos, the great temple, and the breakwater that protects their harbour. As successive commentators have pointed out, that is not the real reason for the length of his account. We hear about the tunnel for the first time in this chapter (60.1–3); Maiandrios escapes down a secret channel at 146.2, which may or may not be Eupalinos' tunnel; we hear about the temple of Artemis, not of Hera, at Samos in 48; dedications in the temple of Hera are mentioned in passing at 1.70.3, 3.123.1, 4.88.1, and 4.152.4, but the temple itself cannot be said to play a major part in Herodotus' narrative; naval expeditions sail from Samos (e.g. 44.2, 59.4) but there is no emphasis on the harbour or its breakwater. What Herodotus should have said is ‘I have dwelt at length on Samos, because I am interested in the island's history; and, by the way, they are responsible for three…’; but it is not our job to tell him what he ‘should’ have said. As David Asheri remarks, ‘We can explain it [the length of the Samian logos] most simply by supposing that the logos already existed before the final draft of the book’.


1973 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. H. Baker
Keyword(s):  
The Law ◽  

The surviving image of the Elizabethan and Jacobean solicitor was created for us by the pamphleteers and playmongers, who could be sure of immediate applause or popular sympathy by introducing into their work a few caricatures drawn from the seamier recesses of the legal world. We are encouraged by these writers to imagine a London plagued by these vermin of the law, scurrying in and around the Temple and lurking in the shadows of Westminster Hall, waiting to pounce on the unsuspecting bumpkin who had the misfortune to wander near their reach. Whether and to what extent these portraits bear any relation to reality are questions which social historians have yet to answer. Legal historians have made but a slight contribution to the history of solicitors during the period which, for them, was the most critical of all. To this period may be assigned the beginning of a process of demarcation between the functions of barristers and solicitors, and when we understand how this came about we shall have traced for the first time the origin of the solicitors' branch of the profession.


2019 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-89
Author(s):  
Peter Zilberg ◽  
Yuval Levavi
Keyword(s):  

Abstract The legal compendium from the Eanna archive, published in this article for the first time, records thirteen separate cases all concerning sheep deficits (miṭītu) of herdsmen tending to the flocks of the temple. The following study of the text places it in the wider setting of the Eanna temple and discusses the rare format of the text, which should be placed in a legal, rather than an administrative, context.


2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
HANNAH M. COTTON-PALTIEL ◽  
AVNER ECKER ◽  
DOV GERA

Abstract This article was prompted by the recent discovery of two more copies of the so-called ‘Heliodoros Stele’ from Maresha. A second one from Byblos was published in 2015. The third one, re-discovered recently and published here for the first time, also comes from Maresha. The steles bear Seleukos IV's epistolary prostagma from 178 bc to his vizier Heliodoros, and forwarded to other officials with the instruction to display it in public. It contains an appointment of one Olympiodoros to be high priest in Koele Syria and Phoenicia. Both Seleukos IV and Heliodoros also appear in the story of the plundering of the Temple related in II Maccabees 3. The existence of multiple copies, though hardly surprising, made us suspect the king's apologetic tone and identify the ‘reform’ as an attempt to embellish the withdrawal of previously bestowed privileges on the Jews (so Josephus) as well as on others.


1968 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Porter

Nicholas Crispe (1598–1666) played a very important part in the developing of English trading contacts with West Africa in the seventeenth century. He obtained a commanding position within the African company in 1628 and did much to secure the company's reconstitution on a sounder basis in 1631. From 1631 until 1644 Crispe was the driving force behind the trade and, in particular, directed and largely financed the successful English entry into the gold trade of the Gold Coast, where permanent English factories with resident traders were established for the first time and a fort was started at Kormantin. After the Restoration he tried to regain his former position, but was unsuccessful, though his membership of the Company of Adventurers did give him some influence on the trade. Other members of the family were also involved in the African trade, sometimes in a significant way, over the same period.


Author(s):  
Ayesha A. Irani

The Muhammad Avatāra: Salvation History, Translation, and the Making of Bengali Islam reveals the powerful role of vernacular translation in the Islamization of Bengal. Its focus is on the magnificent seventeenth-century Nabīvaṃśa of Saiyad Sultān, who lived in Arakanese-controlled Chittagong. Drawing upon the Arabo-Persian Tales of the Prophets genre, the Nabīvaṃśa (“Lineage of the Prophet”) retells the life of the Prophet Muhammad for the first time to Bengalis in their mother-tongue. This book delineates the challenges faced by the author in articulating the pre-eminence of Islam and its Arabian prophet in a land where multiple religious affiliations were common, and when Gauṛīya Vaiṣṇava missionary activity was at its zenith. Sultān played a pioneering role in setting into motion various lexical, literary, performative, theological, and, ultimately, ideological processes that led to the establishment of a distinctively Bengali Islam in east Bengal. At the heart of this transformation lay the persuasiveness of translation on a new Islamic frontier. The Nabīvaṃśa not only kindled a veritable translation movement of Arabo-Persian Islamic literature into Bangla, but established the grammar of creative translation that was to become canonical for this regional tradition. This text-critical study lays bare the sophisticated strategies of translation used by a prominent early modern Muslim Bengali intellectual to invite others to his faith.


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