Holy Church or Holy Writ: A Dilemma of the Fourteenth Century

1954 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 195-206
Author(s):  
George H. Tavard

Students of medieval theology are acquainted with the fact that neither the formative years of the medieval synthesis—say, from the 8th through the 12th century—nor the climax of the Middle Ages— 13th century—conceived of Holy Scripture as being only a set of inspired books, the ‘Canon,’ containing the Revelation committed by Christ to His Church. Rather, the Sacred Scripture—or, as it was also called, the Sacred Page or the Sacred Doctrine—was to the medieval mind wide enough to encompass somehow the works of the Fathers and those of subsequent Doctors. Distinct though these were from the canonical scriptures, they nonetheless were viewed in the same perspective: Holy Writ and the commentaries thereupon formed one uncleft whole which was kept together by the continuity of the Church's life. The apostolic writings were in a way continued by the Fathers' homilies and treatises, and these in turn were prolonged in the early medieval tractates.

Antiquity ◽  
1932 ◽  
Vol 6 (23) ◽  
pp. 301-326
Author(s):  
E. G. Sebastian

Rom very ancient times the church and the churchyard have afforde'd refuge to villagers in time of war. For this reason, wherever practicable, churches have been built on heights, to be the more easily defended. The church served not only as a house of prayer but also as a protecting citadel, defending the lives and property of its children. Already in the 4th century the Armenians had made strong citadels of their churches. The Franks in Merovingian times (481-751) built fortified churches of which that of St. Jean at Poitiers still stands, as well as the church at Remainmontier. After the Saracen invasion most of the churches in the south of France were surrounded with defence works, whereas in northern France they were not defended before the English wars in the fourteenth century. In the Middle Ages most of the churches in the strip of land between the Rhine and the Nahe, called the Gau, were fortified. Osthofen had defence works as early as 1241. In the Middle Ages, too, fortified churches were built in Alsace and Lorraine, or else the existing ones were greatly strengthened. An especially characteristic example is Chazelles in Lorraine, built in the 12th century, in which we are first struck by the placing of the church-tower between the choir and the nave and then by the loop-holes and machicolations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 57-78
Author(s):  
Jarosław Malicki

An analysis of the material presented in the article (geographical names, hydronyms, oronyms as well as anthroponyms) makes it possible to draw geolinguistic, onomastic and historical-linguistic conclusions concerning the Polish-Bohemian language borderland (between Silesia, Moravia and Bohemia) in the Middle Ages and to establish the areas in which the two languages could influence each other. In the 12th century, Silesia was strongly linked linguistically to the other provinces of former Poland. In the 13th century, direct contact between the Polish and Czech languages occurred in an area from Ostravice to Prudnik. In the 13th and 14th centuries contacts between the two languages in the area overlapped with German–Polish and German–Bohemian contacts. This resulted in changes of names, mixed names, spread of new naming models. Part of the language area of the Polish-Bohemian borderland became a German-speaking area. This determined the local nature of the Polish-Czech or Polish-Bohemian linguistic neighbourhood.


Author(s):  
Erik Petersen

Erik Petersen: Fontes Fontium. Birger Munk Olsen and the Study of the Latin Classical Authors up to 1200 In this presentation, the basic intentions, definitions and overwhelmingly rich results of professor Birger Munk Olsen’s magisterial opus magnum L’Étude des auteurs classiques latins aux XIe et XIIe siècles are briefly described. The first volume of L’Étude was published in 1982, the sixth and latest volume (= tome IV. 2) in 2014. BMO includes 57 authors from the end of the third century B.C. to the beginning of the fourth A.D. in his catalogue of Latin classical manuscripts copied in the 9th to the 12th centuries. The rationale for including the 9th and 10th centuries is that readers in the 11th and 12th centuries were still using books copied in the previous centuries. BMO also makes references to manuscripts copied before 800, the period covered by E. A. Lowe in Codices Latini Antiquiores. Since Bernhard Bischoff’s Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts, mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen had not yet been published, the truly pioneering effort of BMO is related to his meticulous descriptions of the huge number of classical manuscripts copied in the period from the Carolingian Renaissance to the Renaissance of the 12th Century. His catalogue of individual manuscripts is followed, in vol. III. 1, by an equally detailed catalogue of the Latin classics in the libraries of the Middle Ages, based primarily on information collected in individual manuscripts and in a variety of medieval book lists and inventories. The two most recent volumes, La réception de la littérature classique. Travaux philologiques (IV. 1), and La réception de la littérature classique. Manuscrits et textes (IV. 2) are dedicated to broader issues of copying, reading and using texts and manuscripts, in a more synthetic manner than in the previous volumes. Still they draw upon BMO’s myriads of observations of details in the manuscripts and the experience of a long life in the company of the people who produced the books and used them.Denmark’s role in preserving and promoting classical literature during the Middle Ages was of little significance and less glory. During the Carolingian Renaissance Vikings were known to steal or destroy books rather than to read them. In the 12th century they had become less belligerent, perhaps, but still not very adaptive to classical literature. Of the 33 codices in the Royal Library included in EACL, 32 arrived in Copenhagen in the Early Enlightenment or later and had not been copied or studied in Denmark in the Middle Ages. Saxo Grammaticus marks a turning point, well-read in and dependent on classical authors as he was, but he completed his Gesta Danorum in the early years of the 13th century. However, he is known to have used a Justinus codex copied before the turn of the century, preserved in the Royal Library as GKS 450 2º. It was probably brought to Denmark from France by Archbishop Absalon, who lent it to Saxo and bequeathed it to the Cistercian monastery at Sorø. It remains a remarkable fact that the Justinus codex is the only extant manuscript of a Latin classical author recorded as being in Denmark before 1200. With the results of years of concentrated, hardcore research assembled in his L’Étude des auteurs classiques latins aux XIe et XIIe siècles Birger Munk Olsen has more than amply compensated for the meagre attention paid to the classics in early medieval Denmark. To the immense benefit of the scholarly community he has laid a new foundation for the study of the Latin classical authors, their transmission, use and history, which will surely prove indispensable for generations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 136 (4) ◽  
pp. 223-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Young

St Edmund, king and martyr (an Anglo-Saxon king martyred by the Vikings in 869) was one of the most venerated English saints in Ireland from the 12th century. In Dublin, St Edmund had his own chapel in Christ Church Cathedral and a guild, while Athassel Priory in County Tipperary claimed to possess a miraculous image of the saint. In the late 14th century the coat of arms ascribed to St Edmund became the emblem of the king of England’s lordship of Ireland, and the name Edmund (or its Irish equivalent Éamon) was widespread in the country by the end of the Middle Ages. This article argues that the cult of St Edmund, the traditional patron saint of the English people, served to reassure the English of Ireland of their Englishness, and challenges the idea that St Edmund was introduced to Ireland as a heavenly patron of the Anglo-Norman conquest.


1975 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 41-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet L. Nelson

To know what was generally believed in all ages, the way is to consult the liturgies, not any private man’s writings.’ John Selden’s maxim, which surely owed much to his own pioneering work as a liturgist, shows a shrewd appreciation of the significance of the medieval ordines for the consecration of kings. Thanks to the more recent efforts of Waitz, Eichmann, Schramm and others, this material now forms part of the medievalist’s stock in trade; and much has been written on the evidence which the ordines provide concerning the nature of kingship, and the interaction of church and state, in the middle ages. The usefulness of the ordines to the historian might therefore seem to need no further demonstration or qualification. But there is another side to the coin. The value of the early medieval ordines can be, not perhaps overestimated, but misconstrued. ‘The liturgies’ may indeed tell us ‘what was generally believed’—but we must first be sure that we know how they were perceived and understood by their participants, as well as by their designers. They need to be correlated with other sources, and as often as possible with ‘private writings’ too, before the full picture becomes intelligible.


PMLA ◽  
1894 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-450
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Deering Hanscom

The fourteenth century was for England a period of storm and stress. The Saxon genius does not achieve its conquests lightly; it does not march to victory with furled flags or muffled drums; it is profoundly conscious of its own effort and the object to be realized. True, it often attains more than it hopes or even knows; but it attains the larger result through the accomplishment of the immediate purpose. The internal struggles are those that cost, with nations as with men; and it is no small part of the greatness of England that she has been able to see and strong to resist those dangers which, rising from within, have threatened to overthrow that stability which outward foes have in vain assailed. In that century which marked the close of the middle ages and the beginning of the modern era, England was busy taking cities and ruling her own spirit, and only the wise knew which was the better.


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