South American Free Trade Area or Free Trade Area of the Americas? Open Regionalism and the Future of Regional Economic Integration in South America

2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Aparajita Gangopadhyay ◽  
Mario Esteban Carranza
2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira

This article argues that Brazil went from a posture of estrangement in relation to the hemispheric project represented by the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) to a strategy of cooperative hegemony aimed at institutionalizing the South American space and increasing the costs of the FTAA for the United States. Although Brazil was initially isolated, US lack of leadership combined with events at the subregional level ended up turning the tide in the direction of Brazilian interests. These factors help to understand the current institutional configuration of South America.


ICL Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliana Lizarazo Rodríguez ◽  
Philippe De Lombaerde

AbstractThis paper contributes to the discussion on the potential of today’s regional economic integration projects in South America. The starting point is a global mapping exercise of constitutional references to regionalism, which allows locating and typifying the South American constitutional contexts in comparison to global patterns. This global analysis is then connected to the context of South American constitutionalism, on the one hand, and the institutionalization of the various sub-regional economic integration schemes, on the other. The article finds that although South American constitutions refer more frequently to regionalism than the global average and incorporate clauses that promote regional cooperation and integration, very often these clauses are compensated by other clauses that seek the protection of national sovereignty and safeguard the absolute supremacy of the national constitutional framework. This helps to explain the inherent limitations of South American regional economic integration projects towards the future, and non-compliance with regional rules in the past.


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-84
Author(s):  
Hidetaka Yoshimatsu

Ever since the early 1990s, the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have deepened regional economic integration, advancing the main programs from the creation of an ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) to the formation of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). This article identifies underpinning factors that have qualified ASEAN's such efforts for regional economic integration. In particular, it highlights the evolving perception of material interests due to external environments and socially shared norms as factors influencing ASEAN's efforts to promote economic integration. I argue that external threats deriving from moves towards stronger regionalism in other parts of the world or the rapid economic growth of the neighboring countries induced ASEAN members to strengthen their own regional economic cohesion. In addition, ASEAN's particular set of norms, such as consensus-building, flexible incrementalism, and informality, were effective in drawing willingness from members with diverse differences to participate in cooperative programs. However, in the process of shifting from AFT A to the AEC, ASEAN members reconsidered some of these norms by adopting more formal implementation methods, including stronger dispute settlement mechanisms.


1973 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Curry

Recent articles by André Simmons and K. M. Barbour have analysed the various advantages of, and strategies for, regional economic integration in West Africa.1 This note focuses on the technical obstacles of full integration, and then on sub-regional economic co-operation as a more practical alternative.How can one agree upon an accepted distribution of the benefits from regional economic integration? How could this be implemented among the West African countries ? These are the most difficult and contentious problems associated with forming and operating any customs union and free trade area among the developing countries. If an acceptable distribution of benefits does not come about, then ‘the operation of existing groupings may easily be rendered ineffective or, in extreme cases, they may collapse. The experience of the last few years demonstrates that this is not a remote possibility.’2


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