scholarly journals Military-Technical Cooperation of South-East Asian States with the United States and EU Countries (2011–2020)

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-159
Author(s):  
M. G. Yevtodyeva

The article aims to identify the key trends and main areas of development of arms trade and military-technical cooperation between South-East Asian countries and the United States and European Union countries over the past decade (2011–2020). In addition to the direct procurement of weapons and military equipment (with a detailed list of purchased systems for each of the South-East Asian countries), the supply of subsystems and components, the licensed production and other forms of military-technical cooperation are also considered. The growth of military expenditures and arms procurement of the South-East Asian countries over the past decade is analyzed in terms of influence of such drivers as internal instability, the China-US confrontation in the Pacific region and the unresolved disputes between the countries in the South China Sea, the modernization of the armed forces and national defense industries in SouthEast Asia. On this basis, conclusions are made about the prospects for development of military-technical cooperation and arms procurement in the region, as well as how the changes taking place in this sphere affect Russia’s military-technical cooperation with South-East Asian countries.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Yevtodyeva ◽  
Ilya Kramnik ◽  
D. Stefanovich

This monograph examines the trends and main areas of arms trade and military-technical cooperation in Southeast Asia over the past decades. In addition to direct acquisitions of weapons and military equipment (WME), the supply of subsystems and components, the licensed production and other forms of militarytechnical cooperation are also considered. Trends in arms trade are analyzed in terms of influence of such factors as internal instability, U.S.-Chinese confrontation in the Pacific region and disputes in the South China Sea, modernization of the armed forces and national defense industries of Southeast Asian countries. Particular attention is paid to various aspects of military-technical cooperation of the regional states with their key arms suppliers – Russia, the US, European countries, China, and South Korea.


2020 ◽  
Vol 148 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. T. Craig ◽  
A. E. Heywood ◽  
J. Hall

Abstract On 30 January 2020, WHO declared coronavirus (COVID-19) a global public health emergency. As of 12 March 2020, 125 048 confirmed COVID-19 cases in 118 countries had been reported. On 12 March 2020, the first case in the Pacific islands was reported in French Polynesia; no other Pacific island country or territory has reported cases. The purpose of our analysis is to show how travellers may introduce COVID-19 into the Pacific islands and discuss the role robust health systems play in protecting health and reducing transmission risk. We analyse travel and Global Health Security Index data using a scoring tool to produce quantitative estimates of COVID-19 importation risk, by departing and arriving country. Our analysis indicates that, as of 12 March 2020, the highest risk air routes by which COVID-19 may be imported into the Pacific islands are from east Asian countries (specifically, China, Korea and Japan) to north Pacific airports (likely Guam, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands or, to a less extent, Palau); or from China, Japan, Singapore, the United States of America or France to south Pacific ports (likely, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, French Polynesia or New Caledonia). Other importation routes include from other east Asian countries to Guam, and from Australia, New Zealand and other European countries to the south Pacific. The tool provides a useful method for assessing COVID-19 importation risk and may be useful in other settings.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 12-47
Author(s):  
Yinan Li

The development of the PRC’s armed forces included three phases when their modernization was carried out through an active introduction of foreign weapons and technologies. The first and the last of these phases (from 1949 to 1961, and from 1992 till present) received wide attention in both Chinese and Western academic literature, whereas the second one — from 1978 to 1989 —when the PRC actively purchased weapons and technologies from the Western countries remains somewhat understudied. This paper is intended to partially fill this gap. The author examines the logic of the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States in the context of complex interactions within the United States — the USSR — China strategic triangle in the last years of the Cold War. The first section covers early contacts between the PRC and the United States in the security field — from the visit of R. Nixon to China till the inauguration of R. Reagan. The author shows that during this period Washington clearly subordinated the US-Chinese cooperation to the development of the US-Soviet relations out of fear to damage the fragile process of detente. The second section focuses on the evolution of the R. Reagan administration’s approaches regarding arms sales to China in the context of a new round of the Cold War. The Soviet factor significantly influenced the development of the US-Chinese military-technical cooperation during that period, which for both parties acquired not only practical, but, most importantly, political importance. It was their mutual desire to undermine strategic positions of the USSR that allowed these two countries to overcome successfully tensions over the US arms sales to Taiwan. However, this dependence of the US-China military-technical cooperation on the Soviet factor had its downside. As the third section shows, with the Soviet threat fading away, the main incentives for the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States also disappeared. As a result, after the Tiananmen Square protests, this cooperation completely ceased. Thus, the author concludes that the US arms sales to China from the very beginning were conditioned by the dynamics of the Soviet-American relations and Beijing’s willingness to play an active role in the policy of containment. In that regard, the very fact of the US arms sales to China was more important than its practical effect, i.e. this cooperation was of political nature, rather than military one.


Subject The South China Sea dispute. Significance China and the United States increased their military activities in the South China Sea in January and February, with US ‘freedom of navigation operations’ (FONOPs) pushing back on Chinese maritime jurisdictional claims in the area. The Philippines before June 2016 contested China’s expansive claims. Increased rivalry between Beijing and Washington in South-east Asia raises the risk of a dangerous naval confrontation. Impacts The Philippines will continue to solicit investment from China. China is unlikely to undertake actions in the South China Sea that would seriously irk the Philippines. South-east Asian countries will emphasise the importance of the region not becoming a theatre for China-US rivalry.


Subject Risk of piracy attacks in South-east Asia. Significance South-east Asian governments are seeking to strengthen cooperation against piracy and tackle the underlying causes of the problem. Ships sailing through the Sulu and Celebes seas face the risk of kidnappings for ransom from militant organisations such as the Islamic State (IS)-affiliated Abu Sayyaf group (ASG). Impacts The United States and Japan will provide capacity-building support to improve regional maritime domain awareness. South-east Asian countries will look to increase intelligence exchange in the fight against maritime crime. The shipping industry will monitor piracy black spots in the region, with firms adjusting operations accordingly.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document