scholarly journals System of Zemstvo Elections According to Regulations on Zemstvo Institutions of 1890 in Estimates of Russian Periodicals

2021 ◽  
pp. 479-496
Author(s):  
A. A. Sorokin ◽  
M. V. Medovarov

The article is devoted to the little-studied issue of the reaction of the Russian periodicals to changes in the zemstvo electoral legislation in accordance with the Regulations on zemstvo institutions in 1890. The positions of the leading conservative (“Moskovskie vedomosti”, “Grazhdanin”, “Russian Review”, “Russian Bulletin”, “Novoye Vremya”), liberal (“Novosti”, “Nedelya”, “Bulletin of Europe”, “Russian Thought”, “Russkie vedomosti”, “Sudebnaya Gazeta”) and populist (“Russian wealth”, “Novoye Slovo”, “Severny Vestnik”) editions. The attitude of periodicals to key changes in the system of zemstvo elections is shown: the establishment of estate electoral meetings, the privileged position of the nobility, a change in the order of representation from peasants, the deprivation of voting rights for Jews, a change in the procedure for approving members and chairmen of zemstvo councils. The authors argue that certain provisions of the new electoral law did not suit both conservative and liberal and populist publications. At the same time, there was no single approach within each of these groups. Some conservative publications in their proposals and criticism were close to the liberal ones (“Novoye Vremya”), and vice versa (“Novosti”, “Nedelya”). In general, each of the editions focused mainly on individual changes, criticizing or supporting them, as well as proposing their own versions of their changes.

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 874-886
Author(s):  
Anika Gauja

Abstract This article explores the relationship between partisan organisation outside a country of origin and the voting rights and migration patterns of its citizens. Using Australian political parties operating overseas as case studies, it examines the extent to which the electoral context of expatriate voting influences why and how parties establish organisational structures abroad. Electoral law in Australia allows citizens to vote while living overseas only for a limited period—as long as they intend to return to Australia within six years. Because of this relatively limited opportunity, we might expect party organisations abroad to exist primarily to mobilise support at election times in areas where there are high concentrations of Australian expatriate voters, rather than create lasting communities of partisan supporters. The article finds, in line with this expectation, that ‘parties abroad’ are relatively modest, geographically rooted in cities with large expatriate populations and facilitated by online and social media technologies.


Author(s):  
Łukasz Orłowski

Voting by a proxy as a guarantee of exercising elderly and handicapped people active voting rights Voting by a proxy as one of the latest alternative of a Polish electoral law institution. In the article are discussed: the constitutional basis, an international law, a statutory basis, an international law basis, doctrinal disputes connected to the principle of universality and based on the voting secrecy and limitations of elderly or handicapped people for who voting by proxy is a solution. The present study includes propositions of changing the electoral code in the field of giving a power of attorney as a conditionality.


2018 ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Natalia KLEJDYSZ

The next parliamentary elections in Poland will be held on the basis of the amended elec- toral law. The changes introduced involve a quota system: the ballots are required to provide for at least 35% of women and at least 35% of men. Nearly a hundred years passed from 1918, when Polish women first won voting rights, till the President of Poland signed the so-called parity law. It would not be true, however, to say that this was a century of struggle for the equality of rights of men and women in our country. It was only after 1989 that efficient steps could be taken in this area in Poland. Therefore, the quota system that has been introduced, to be tested in practice soon, is actually the consequence of twenty years of endeavors. The advocates of such a solution consider this to be the first step towards electoral parity. Following the solutions that numerous European countries have introduced, public debate in Poland increasingly more often refers to proposals to ‘spread’ the quota system, and then parity, also to other domains, such as management or education. The opening of a serious debate on these issues will to a large extent depend on the results of the recent quota changes of the electoral law.


Author(s):  
Lucas A. Powe Jr.

Texas has created more constitutional law than any other state. In any classroom nationwide, any basic constitutional law course can be taught using nothing but Texas cases. That, however, understates the history and politics behind the cases. Beyond representing all doctrinal areas of constitutional law, Texas cases deal with the major issues of the nation. This book charts the rich and pervasive development of Texas-inspired constitutional law. From voting rights to railroad regulations, school finance to capital punishment, poverty to civil liberty, this book provides a window into the relationship between constitutional litigation and ordinary politics at the Texas Supreme Court, illuminating how all of the fiercest national divides over what the Constitution means took shape in Texas.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-63
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Niewiadomska-Cudak

Summary The article treats not only about the struggle of women to obtain voting rights. It is an attempt to answer the question as to why only so few women are in national parliaments. The most important matter of the countries in the world is to confront stereotypical perception of the roles of women and men in a society. It is necessary to promote gender equality in the world of politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-103
Author(s):  
Ágnes Vass

AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.


2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
David C. Wilson ◽  
Michael Leo Owens ◽  
Darren Davis

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