scholarly journals Locating Human Security In the City: The Case of Rohingya Refugees In New Delhi

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ashvina Patel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Asia ◽  
Human Security ◽  
The State ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Primary Field ◽  
Field Site ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Urban Refugees ◽  
The City

This research examines the subjective experience of human security by Rohingya urban refugees who fled to New Delhi, India, from Myanmar, in 2012. It uses bottom-up, top-down, and historical-to-present approaches to recognize the myriad factors that influence the path to security. The bottom-up approach frames the Rohingya present-day experience; the top-down approach delineates motivations embedded in the current India state and the international refugee regime; and the past-to-present approach explains the perspectives of each of these actors. One urban refugee settlement was chosen as a primary field site to examine the challenges and varied everyday experiences of the city for migrants. Two other urban settlements were selected for supplementary participant observation and the collection of quantitative data. At my primary field site, Rohingya men and women were interviewed to assess their feeling of security (in Rohingya hefazat or in Hindi suraksha). The perceptions of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) employees, government officials, and community representative were also recorded. Human security, defined as a person-centered security, was assessed on three dimensions: political, economic, and community. Analysis of the data compelled me to focus on what I call political human security. Anthropologists theorize the embeddedness of new immigrants and resettled refugees through acts of cultural citizenship, assimilation, and integration. This study, however, demonstrates that for urban refugees their primary need is basic security. This security is inevitably political; Rohingya refugees are deemed “illegal” immigrants by the state, but are permitted to stay as protected wards of the UNHCR. They assume a refugee identity that both expose them to further exploitation, while also shielding them from starvation and disease. This politically formed identity must be negotiated in daily interaction in order to find security. India is a first country of asylum for the Rohingya in this study. No South Asian country has signed the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, making India a good case study for how South Asia may respond to refugee influxes into urban spaces. India is unwilling to allow Muslim refugees to become naturalized citizens, pointing to religious and cultural factors that produce insecurity in the South Asia region. Furthermore, tensions rise when apolitical agencies like the UNHCR call upon India’s conservative administration to protect a population they define as undesirable. By focusing on urban refugees and their interactions with the state and supranational organizations, this research demonstrates the importance of statehood and citizenship as instruments of sovereignty that uphold human rights and protect against insecurity.

“Forward to David the Builder!” Georgia's (re)turn to language-centered nationalism

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 522-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christofer Berglund
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
The Past ◽  
Building Project ◽  
The Rose ◽  
State Language

After the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili tried to move away from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. His government instead sought to foster an inclusionary nationalism, wherein belonging was contingent upon speaking the state language and all Georgian speakers, irrespective of origin, were to be equals. This article examines this nation-building project from a top-down and bottom-up lens. I first argue that state officials took rigorous steps to signal that Georgian-speaking minorities were part of the national fabric, but failed to abolish religious and historical barriers to their inclusion. I next utilize a large-scale, matched-guise experiment (n= 792) to explore if adolescent Georgians ostracize Georgian-speaking minorities or embrace them as their peers. I find that the upcoming generation of Georgians harbor attitudes in line with Saakashvili's language-centered nationalism, and that current Georgian nationalism therefore is more inclusionary than previous research, or Georgia's tumultuous past, would lead us to believe.

scholarly journals Evaluation of mobile emissions contributions to Mexico City's emissions inventory using on-road and cross-road emission measurements and ambient data

2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (17) ◽  
pp. 6305-6317 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Zavala ◽  
S. C. Herndon ◽  
E. C. Wood ◽  
T. B. Onasch ◽  
W. B. Knighton ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Measurement Techniques ◽  
Early Morning ◽  
Emission Factors ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Emissions Inventory ◽  
Mobile Sources ◽  
Mobile Emissions ◽  
The City ◽  
Road Emission

Abstract. Mobile emissions represent a significant fraction of the total anthropogenic emissions burden in the Mexico City Metropolitan Area (MCMA) and, therefore, it is crucial to use top-down techniques informed by on-road exhaust measurements to evaluate and improve traditional bottom-up official emissions inventory (EI) for the city. We present the measurements of on-road fleet-average emission factors obtained using the Aerodyne mobile laboratory in the MCMA in March 2006 as part of the MILAGRO/MCMA-2006 field campaign. A comparison of our on-road emission measurements with those obtained in 2003 using essentially the same measurement techniques and analysis methods indicates that, in the three year span, NO emission factors remain within the measured variability ranges whereas emission factors of aldehydes and aromatics species were reduced for all sampled driving conditions. We use a top-down fuel-based approach to evaluate the mobile emissions from the gasoline fleet estimated in the bottom-up official 2006 MCMA mobile sources. Within the range of measurement uncertainties, we found probable slight overpredictions of mean EI estimates on the order of 20–28% for CO and 14–20% for NO. However, we identify a probable EI discrepancy of VOC mobile emissions between 1.4 and 1.9; although estimated benzene and toluene mobile emissions in the inventory seem to be well within the uncertainties of the corresponding emissions estimates. Aldehydes mobile emissions in the inventory, however, seem to be underpredicted by factors of 3 for HCHO and 2 for CH3CHO. Our on-road measurement-based estimate of annual emissions of organic mass from PM1 particles suggests a severe underprediction (larger than a factor of 4) of PM2.5 mobile emissions in the inventory. Analyses of ambient CO, NOx and CO/NOx concentration trends in the MCMA indicate that the early morning ambient CO/NOx ratio has decreased at a rate of about 1.9 ppm/ppm/year over the last two decades due to reductions in CO levels rather than by NOx. These trends, together with the analysis of fuel sales and fleet size, suggest that the relative contribution of diesel vehicles to overall NOx levels has increased over time in the city. Despite the impressive increase in the size of the vehicle fleet between 2000 and 2006, the early morning ambient concentrations of CO and NOx have not increased accordingly, probably due to the reported low removal rates of older vehicles, which do not have emissions control technologies, and partially due to the much lower emissions from newer gasoline vehicles. This indicates that an emission-based air quality improvement strategy targeting large reductions of emissions from mobile sources should be directed towards a significant increase of the removal rate of older, highly-polluting, vehicles.

Strong Societies, Weak Parties: Regime Change in Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and Today

2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Corrales
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Best Interest ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Societal Factors ◽  
The 1950S

AbstractThe literature on the origins of democratic institutions is split between bottom-up and top-down approaches. The former emphasize societal factors that press for democracy; the latter, rules and institutions that shape elites' incentives. Can these approaches be reconciled? This article proposes competitive political parties, more so than degrees of modernization and associationalism, as the link between the two. Competitive political parties enhance society's bargaining power with the state and show dominant elites that liberalization is in their best interest; the parties are thus effective conduits of democracy. In the context of party deficit, the prospects for democratization or redemocratization are slim. This is illustrated by comparing Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and 1990s.

scholarly journals Mapping the city scale anthropogenic heat emissions from buildings in Kuala Lumpur through a top-down and a bottom-up approach

2021 ◽  
pp. 103443
Author(s):  
Kai Wang ◽  
Yasemin D. Aktas ◽  
Liora Malki-Epshtein ◽  
Di Wu ◽  
Muhammad Firdaus Ammar Bin Abdullah
Keyword(s):  
Anthropogenic Heat ◽  
Kuala Lumpur ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
The City

scholarly journals Pelokalan Hak Asasi Manusia Melalui Partisipasi Publik dalam Kebijakan Berbasis Hak Asasi Manusia

Jurnal HAM ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Sabrina Nadilla
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Human Rights Based Approach ◽  
The City

Upaya untuk membawa nilai-nilai Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) ke tingkat lokal sudah mencuat sejak 1990-an, melalui berbagai konsep, salah satunya human rights in the city. Konsep tersebut menantang pendekatan HAM yang selama ini hanya terpusat pada negara, sehingga membuka ruang bagi ide bahwa implementasi nilai-nilai HAM harus ditangani oleh berbagai tingkatan pemerintahan, bukan lagi terbatas pada pemerintah pusat. Dalam konteks Indonesia, upaya melokalkan nilai-nilai HAM telah dilakukan melalui berbagai kebijakan hak asasi manusia. Kebijakan tersebut antara lain penghargaan kabupaten/kota peduli HAM yang diselenggarakan oleh Kementerian Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia, dan proyek Kota HAM Bandung. Kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang berbasis pada studi kasus, analisis dilakukan dengan menerapkan konsep pendekatan hak asasi manusia (human rights-based approach) dalam kebijakan hak asasi manusia. Dalam perspektif pelokalan hak asasi manusia, kebijakan HAM di Kota Bandung menunjukkan beberapa indikasi. Pertama, kebijakan Deklarasi HAM Bandung sebagai suatu kebijakan berbasis hak asasi manusia yang bersifat bottom-up masih belum mampu mendukung upaya pelokalan HAM di kota Bandung. Kedua, kebijakan Penghargaan Kabupaten/Kota Peduli HAM sebagai suatu kebijakan yang bersifat top-down, meskipun mendapatkan respons positif dari pemerintah kota dan instansi vertikal sebagai bagian dari pelaksana kebijakan, tidak mendapatkan legitimasi yang cukup dari masyarakat kota Bandung. 

Salafism pushes Muslim communities to conservatism

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Core ◽  
Conservative Ideology ◽  
Three Generations ◽  
Muslim Communities

Subject Salafism impact on Muslim societies. Significance Salafism (‘ancestralism’) is an ultra-conservative ideology adopted by a variety of Muslim individuals and organisations. It claims to reveal the authentic Islam of the first three generations of ‘pious forefathers’ (Arabic: al-salaf al-salih) from the time of the Prophet Mohammed. Salafis seek to 'purify' and thereby change other Muslims’ behaviour. These aims can be pursued by ‘top-down’ methods of engaging the state via activist struggle (jihad), or by ‘bottom-up’ strategies of engaging society via quietist proselytisation (da‘wa): that is, with or without violence. Impacts The core salafi doctrine of (‘loyalty [to Muslims] and disavowal [of non-Muslims]’) encourages its followers’ isolation from wider society. Competition for authenticity will further divide Muslim communities by ‘condemning the other’. Salafi-inspired organisations will seek to dominate public discourse and definitions of Islam.

Operational State Complexity of Subtree-Free Regular Tree Languages

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (06) ◽  
pp. 705-724
Author(s):  
Sang-Ki Ko ◽  
Hae-Sung Eom ◽  
Yo-Sub Han
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Tree Automaton ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Tree Language ◽  
Worst Case ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
State Complexity ◽  
Regular Tree ◽  
Tree Languages

We introduce subtree-free regular tree languages that are closely related to XML schemas and investigate the state complexity of basic operations on subtree-free regular tree languages. The state complexity of an operation for regular tree languages is the number of states that are sufficient and necessary in the worst-case for the minimal deterministic ranked tree automaton that accepts the tree language obtained from the operation. We establish the precise state complexity of (sequential, parallel) concatenation, (bottom-up, top-down) star, intersection and union for subtree-free regular tree languages.

scholarly journals IN OMNIBUS REGIONIBUS? THE FOURTEEN REGIONS AND THE CITY OF ROME

2020 ◽  
Vol 88 ◽  
pp. 119-150
Author(s):  
Penelope J. Goodman
Keyword(s):  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
Social Identification ◽  
Social Meaning ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Fire Services ◽  
History Of ◽  
Working Practices ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

Scholarship on the fourteen Augustan regions of Rome has tended to focus on their political and topographical significance. As a result, evidence for their social meaning and their impact on the mindsets and practices of the city's administrators and rulers has been under-exploited. This article seeks to address this lacuna. It begins by reviewing the history of Rome's regions and asking how and where the boundaries of the Augustan regions were recorded, before moving on to consider the impact of the regions on the Romans’ understanding and experiences of their city. This includes examining the evidence for bottom-up social identification with the regions, despite their top-down original creation. The paper also looks at the administrators who worked with the regions (regional magistrates and the food, water and fire services), arguing that the conceptual framework which the regions provided began to shape their working practices. Finally, it demonstrates the existence of a rhetoric of consistent provision across all fourteen regions, propagated especially by the emperors. The findings across all of these areas reveal that it is essential to take the regions and their impact into account when attempting to understand the topography of the city and the lives of its inhabitants.

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