scholarly journals The UAE’s Disruptive Policy in Libya

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Ali Bakir

In the last decade, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has emerged as a leading counter-revolutionary force in the Middle East. Feeling the heat of change in the region, the small, oil-rich Gulf country adopted an aggressive foreign policy that defined the UAE as a disruptive force that aims to reverse the fledgling democratic trend in the Middle East. After succeeding in Egypt in 2013, Abu Dhabi decided to support field marshal and warlord Khalifa Haftar in Libya to overthrow the UN-recognized government in Tripoli, take over power, and control Libya by force. To that end, the UAE offered massive military, financial, and diplomatic support to Haftar. In this context, the present paper aims to discuss the UAE’s interventions in Libya in terms of their nature, extent, motives, goals and repercussions. It highlights the UAE’s efforts to weave regional and international alliances to support Haftar and tries to answer the questions why Abu Dhabi has been able to act with impunity in Libya despite being the top foreign player fueling the war there for many years, and whether it will be able to achieve its goals and continue its interventions in the oil-rich North African country or not.

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fawzi Tigharsi ◽  
Abderaouf Bouguerra ◽  
Ismail Golgeci ◽  
Yasin Rofcanin

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to explore employees’ knowledge- and learning-related experiences in moving between local firms and multinational enterprises (MNEs) and to examine the nature of paradoxes of labor mobility that local talents face in their career in the North African country of Algeria. In doing so, this paper explored the multifaceted experiences of employees who left local firms and joined MNEs.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use a qualitative study, in-depth interviews with 12 employees from various industries, and apply an interpretive phenomenological approach to explain labor mobility between local firms and MNEs in the North African country of Algeria. The authors specifically focus on personal experiences of employees who worked in both local firms and MNEs.FindingsThe findings report a paradoxical situation and suggest that despite talented individuals grow their capabilities in MNEs through reward and personal growth incentives, the grass is not always greener, and they face the paradox of nurturing their capabilities (wings) or empowering their roots by returning local firms to seek stability, security and flexibility.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the research at the intersection of human resource management, knowledge management and the paradox of management in emerging markets. Its value stems from empirically explicating the paradox of roots and wings as a complementary, learning type of paradox that individuals at local firms and MNEs in Algeria experience.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-68
Author(s):  
Nindyo Setiawan

Located in the Middle East region, Dubai has to face the reality to compete with other countries in a business that only consists of the oil market. However, it was predicted that in the year of 2005, Dubai’s oil resources will be run out. After the establishment of United Arab Emirates (UAE), Dubai has slowly shown its progress significantly. Started as a desert civilization who didn’t have anything into a metropolitan country with all of the majesties which is considered as a world class level, often called as the Singapore of the Middle East. However, the success of Dubai can't be separated from the foreign policy created by its leader, Sheik Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum who is often called as the CEO of Dubai. After pointed as the leader of Dubai Defense Force by his father, Sheikh Rashid, Sheikh Mohammed began to help his father. He finally took the position as Emir of Dubai in 2006 after his brother Maktoum bin Rashid Al Maktoum died. Through this paper, the writer is going explore the foreign policy created by Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al Maktoum. The analysis itself is going to use Idiosyncratic Theory created by Margareth Hermann as a theoretical framework.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 4794-4810
Author(s):  
Muna Mohammed Hassoon

This study demonstrates the Germany's policy towards Iraq after the arrival of the Nazis to power in 1933 till the end of World War II. Because of the geopolitical importance of Iraq, and specifically after its independence and its entry into the League of Nations in 1932, the international parties became in a struggle to dominate Iraq in particular, and the Middle East in general. The study aimed to shed light on Hitler's policy of dominating the Western influence in Iraq, occupying new areas in order to penetrate his power and control, and in his desire to acquire Europe, he was striking the influence of his enemies, especially Britain. The study identified a problem that was based on Germany's betting on time as a significant factor, and how it could be used to serve its strategic plan, taking into account Britain's pressure and its interests in Iraq. The study came out with many conclusions, the most important of which is Germany's growing role to find a foothold in the Middle East, as well as the poor strategic planning of Germany since it did not have any clear goals in that region. In addition, its policy was a reflection of the plans of its allies. The structure of the study was divided into an introduction, and three axes: first, German-Iraqi relations 1919-1939; second, World War II and the Iraqi stance of it it; third, May’s movement 1941 and the German attitude of it, finally, the Conclusion which included the most important findings and recommendations, namely: 1- The growing role of Germany to find a foothold In the Middle East after it achieving its national unity in 1870. However, the German penetration in Iraq was not easy as it was interrupted by many challenges caused by the major countries, particularly Britain. 2- the Germanic strategic planning in the Middle East was poor because it did not have clear goals in the region. Its movements there came as if they were only a reaction to the Allied plans and the depletion of Britain's power. 3- Germany's defeat in the First World War made it interested in restoring its position in Europe and improving its internal conditions, which led to the decline of its international relations with other countries, including Iraq. 4- The developments in Iraq in 1941 provided a valuable opportunity for Germany, but its military failure in its war operations affected its political activities in Iraq to the extent that it ended the German role in Iraq. 5- Germany’s failures began in the last years of the war that reached its climax in 1943, signaling the end of Germany’s aspirations in the East in general and Iraq in particular. Hence, an important stage of the German activities had ended in which Iraq was an arena for conflict between Britain and Germany.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (7) ◽  
pp. 1162-1168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farida Ismail Al Hosani ◽  
Kimberly Pringle ◽  
Mariam Al Mulla ◽  
Lindsay Kim ◽  
Huong Pham ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Nael Shama ◽  
Islam Hassan

Chapter 8 focuses on the United Arab Emirates (UAE), led by Mohamed bin Zayed, and its newly assertive power projection strategy that includes establishment naval and military bases on the Red Sea, in the chokepoints of the Bab al-Mandab one of the most important global shipping lanes and the Gulf of Aden and its littoral territory—the arid nations of Djibouti, Eritrea, and Somalia to achieve dual geostrategic and economic goals including the acquisition of operational and management rights over ports and economic zones. The theoretical framework used in this chapter to asses foreign policy change employs simultaneous levels of inquiry taking into account regional and systemic effects, domestic influences, and the role of leadership adding to the literature on international relations and the Middle East in two distinct ways (1) by addressing understudied theoretical questions concerning foreign policy change in small states and (2) exploring the nature and motivations of the emerging trend of securitizing waterspace and shipping lanes in the Middle East.


Virus Genes ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 509-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed F. Yusof ◽  
Yassir M. Eltahir ◽  
Wissam S. Serhan ◽  
Farouk M. Hashem ◽  
Elsaeid A. Elsayed ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Farouk Yusof ◽  
Krista Queen ◽  
Yassir Mohammed Eltahir ◽  
Clinton R Paden ◽  
Zulaikha Mohamed Abdel Hameed Al Hammadi ◽  
...  

2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 497-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larbi Sadiki

Commitment to unity can hinder democracy, rendering the search for pluralism into an exercise in political singularity. I contest the thesis within the theory of democratic transition that national cohesion and ethnic homogeneity are essential preconditions for democracy. Tunisia is an ethnically homogeneous society, but seems to be unable to seize on the opportunity to transcend the threshold of democracy. The Tunisian example suggests that democracy (that is, an ethos of toleration of difference), should be rethought as one essential precondition for cohesion within democratising polities. The analysis unpacks how ‘fragmented’ politics works in the North African country. Politics becomes ‘fragmented’ when ‘loyalty’ to the state's discourse of ‘citizenship’ and ‘identity’, becomes the one distinguishing feature by which political community is defined and membership within it is determined. National unity is another word for political uniformity. Thus understood the state's imperative of unity and uniformity contradicts political pluralism and demotes rather than promotes democratic development.


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