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Polymers ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Lynn Trossaert ◽  
Matthias De Vel ◽  
Ludwig Cardon ◽  
Mariya Edeleva

Sustainability and recyclability are among the main driving forces in the plastics industry, since the pressure on crude oil resources and the environment is increasing. The aim of this research is to develop a sustainable thermoformable multilayer food packaging, based on co-polyesters, which is suitable for hot-fill applications and allows for recycling in a conventional waste stream. As a polymer material for the outer layer, we selected a modified polyethylene terephthalate (PETM), which is an amorphous co-polyester with a high glass transition temperature (±105 °C) and thus high thermal stability and transparency. The inner layer consists of 1,4-cyclohexylene dimethanol-modified polyethylene terephthalate (PETg), which is allowed to be recycled in a PET stream. Multilayers with a total thickness of 1 mm and a layer thickness distribution of 10/80/10 have been produced. To test the recyclability, sheets which contained 20% and 50% regrind of the initial multilayer in their middle PETg layer have been produced as well. The sheet produced from virgin pellets and the one containing 20% regrind in the middle layer showed no visible haze. This was not the case for the one containing 50% regrind in the middle layer, which was confirmed by haze measurements. The hot-fill test results showed no shrinkage or warpage for the multilayer trays for all temperatures applied, namely 95, 85, 75 and 65 °C. This is a remarkable improvement compared to pure PETg trays, which show a visible deformation after exposure to hot-fill conditions of 95 °C and 85 °C.


Author(s):  
Yurii Volozh ◽  
Georgii Gogonenkov ◽  
Nikolai Miletenko ◽  
Evgenii Petrov

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Kubinec ◽  
Helen Milner

In this paper we examine the rentier thesis that a state's control over oil resources should help it resist calls for democratization. During Algeria's mass mobilization for regime change known as the Hirak in 2019, we implemented an interactive experimental treatment providing specific information about the Algerian government's high subsidies of gasoline and low value-added taxes with regional comparisons. Based on a sample of 5,968 Algerians, we find that when Algerians learn about their country's relatively high level of fuel subsidies and low level of taxes, their assessments of the government's performance improves; however, we do not see similar patterns for respondents' expressed intention to join the protests due to treatment heterogeneity defined by respondent wealth. Wealthier respondents report lower protest intentions upon learning about the scope of the rentier state, whereas poorer respondents report much higher protest intentions upon receiving the treatment. As a result, we find that the rentier state may be capable of improving perceptions of regime performance, yet still permit mass mobilization if there are class differences in the perceived benefits derived from redistribution.


Author(s):  
Oshiel Martínez Chapa ◽  
Jorge Eduardo Salazar Castillo ◽  
Saul Roberto Quispe Aruquipa

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the factors that have driven the public debt in Mexico and its consequences on the economy. The hypothesis proposed is that the increase in debt is related to factors such as discretion in the management of public resources, the guarantee of oil resources, the cost of financial bailouts and the growing social spending exercised. The research question is: How has public debt evolved in the medium and long term, and what are the consequences? The methodology used is qualitative in that it analyzes the facts and documents, and the second is quantitative in that it uses a regression model in which a growth rate of the variable in question is used. The data come from institutions such as the Bank of Mexico, the World Bank, the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit (SHCP), as well as World Population Review. The paper concludes by highlighting the need for governments to adopt responsible policies in order to influence growth and economic development, and not that austerity policies cause low investment and unemployment in the country.


Energy Policy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 159 ◽  
pp. 112603
Author(s):  
Edmond Berisha ◽  
Carolyn Chisadza ◽  
Matthew Clance ◽  
Rangan Gupta

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 102309
Author(s):  
Zhen Liu ◽  
Yuk Ming Tang ◽  
Ka Yin Chau ◽  
Fengsheng Chien ◽  
Wasim Iqbal ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 107-132
Author(s):  
Hua Song ◽  
Jack Jarvis ◽  
Shijun Meng ◽  
Hao Xu ◽  
Zhaofei Li ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Andrew Scott Cooper

<p>This thesis analyzes the trajectory of U.S.-Iran relations from 1969, when Richard Nixon came to office, through the early and mid-1970s when the Nixon Doctrine embraced Iran as the cornerstone of its national security architecture in the Persian Gulf and West Asia, to 1977 when Ford left office with U.S.-Iran relations in a state of disrepair. It discusses the factors—geopolitics, economics, Iranian nationalism, domestic politics, the rise of transnational entities like Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), rivalries between the Departments of Defense, State, and Treasury and personal ambitions—which damaged the relationship and contributed to the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran. It lays particular stress on the difficulties in resolving national security and conflicting economic interests in regards to Iran’s oil resources at time when U.S. dependency on oil from the Middle East increased. It places these conflicts in the context of a series of crises in the form of the 1973 energy crisis, the October War, Watergate, the OPEC oil embargo and oil shock. It explains that the inability or unwillingness of either side to resolve their policy differences resulted from the economic forces unleashed by the oil shock, the difficulties of reconciling strategic, geopolitical and economic goals, and the domestic political vulnerabilities of chief architects of the relationship—Presidents Nixon and Ford, Henry Kissinger, and the Shah Reza Pahlavi—at a time when Vietnam, Watergate and recession weakened the U.S. and the Shah faced the dangers of incipient rebellion, revolution and coup which he tried to suppress through the use of SAVAK, the secret police, and one-party rule. The thesis thus examines how the intrusion of economic concerns into cold war geopolitical calculations had fateful consequences, not only for U.S.-Iran relations, but for U.S. national security strategy, the survival of the Pahlavi regime, and stability in the Persian Gulf which resulted in a new U.S. reliance upon Saudi Arabia to ensure access to oil.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Andrew Scott Cooper

<p>This thesis analyzes the trajectory of U.S.-Iran relations from 1969, when Richard Nixon came to office, through the early and mid-1970s when the Nixon Doctrine embraced Iran as the cornerstone of its national security architecture in the Persian Gulf and West Asia, to 1977 when Ford left office with U.S.-Iran relations in a state of disrepair. It discusses the factors—geopolitics, economics, Iranian nationalism, domestic politics, the rise of transnational entities like Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), rivalries between the Departments of Defense, State, and Treasury and personal ambitions—which damaged the relationship and contributed to the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran. It lays particular stress on the difficulties in resolving national security and conflicting economic interests in regards to Iran’s oil resources at time when U.S. dependency on oil from the Middle East increased. It places these conflicts in the context of a series of crises in the form of the 1973 energy crisis, the October War, Watergate, the OPEC oil embargo and oil shock. It explains that the inability or unwillingness of either side to resolve their policy differences resulted from the economic forces unleashed by the oil shock, the difficulties of reconciling strategic, geopolitical and economic goals, and the domestic political vulnerabilities of chief architects of the relationship—Presidents Nixon and Ford, Henry Kissinger, and the Shah Reza Pahlavi—at a time when Vietnam, Watergate and recession weakened the U.S. and the Shah faced the dangers of incipient rebellion, revolution and coup which he tried to suppress through the use of SAVAK, the secret police, and one-party rule. The thesis thus examines how the intrusion of economic concerns into cold war geopolitical calculations had fateful consequences, not only for U.S.-Iran relations, but for U.S. national security strategy, the survival of the Pahlavi regime, and stability in the Persian Gulf which resulted in a new U.S. reliance upon Saudi Arabia to ensure access to oil.</p>


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