scholarly journals Strategi Luar Negeri Dubai Menjadi Sebuah Peradaban Modern (Melalui Kebijakan Luar Negerinya)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-68
Author(s):  
Nindyo Setiawan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Oil Market ◽  
East Region ◽  
Oil Resources ◽  
Class Level ◽  
World Class ◽  
Middle East Region

Located in the Middle East region, Dubai has to face the reality to compete with other countries in a business that only consists of the oil market. However, it was predicted that in the year of 2005, Dubai’s oil resources will be run out. After the establishment of United Arab Emirates (UAE), Dubai has slowly shown its progress significantly. Started as a desert civilization who didn’t have anything into a metropolitan country with all of the majesties which is considered as a world class level, often called as the Singapore of the Middle East. However, the success of Dubai can't be separated from the foreign policy created by its leader, Sheik Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum who is often called as the CEO of Dubai. After pointed as the leader of Dubai Defense Force by his father, Sheikh Rashid, Sheikh Mohammed began to help his father. He finally took the position as Emir of Dubai in 2006 after his brother Maktoum bin Rashid Al Maktoum died. Through this paper, the writer is going explore the foreign policy created by Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al Maktoum. The analysis itself is going to use Idiosyncratic Theory created by Margareth Hermann as a theoretical framework.

In Quest of a Second Boom

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
East Region ◽  
Personal Motivation ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
Different Parts

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.

Turkey’s foreign policy priorities in the Middle East and Afghanistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
New Approaches ◽  
East Region ◽  
History Of ◽  
Middle East Region

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.

Middle East Dilemma: Pakistan’s Role as Mediator for Conflict Resolution

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
Zikriya ◽  
Naushad Khan ◽  
Asif Salim
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
East Region ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
Middle East Region

The development of International relations together with forces like globalization and technology has brought the world closer to each other. Friendly ties and relations with states create massive challenges during times of conflict. The focus of the paper is on the crisis evolving in the Middle East region and the role of Pakistan in solving those crisis considering relations with its closest allies, political and financial circumstances, and its foreign policy principles. A qualitative research approach with desk analysis technique has been applied to analyse the role of Pakistan as a mediator for the conflict resolution among Middle Eastern countries. The research highlights how the disputes created great problems for Pakistan but it is still striving to resolve conflicts among Middle Eastern countries because maintaining peace and prosperity in the Muslim world has always been a top priority of Pakistan’s foreign policy.

Israel–China Relations Enter a New Stage: Limited Strategic Hedging

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mordechai Chaziza
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
East Region ◽  
Highly Sensitive ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
Strategic Hedging

Since the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and Israel in 1992, their relations have warmed up and developed rapidly in diverse areas. This study offers a new theoretical framework, strategic hedging behavior, for analyzing Sino-Israel relations, in order to understand the nature and scope of the hedging relationship between China and Israel. What impact will China’s hedging relationship with Israel have on Washington’s dominance in the Middle East region? The study asserts that this relationship is limited to economics and technology, and China’s relations with Israel cannot replace Israel’s strategic and special relationship with the US. However, the future of the hedging relationship countries is highly sensitive to the evolution of US–China relations in the Middle East and other areas.

scholarly journals Disagreements between Member States of the GCC as a Factor of the Political Situation in the Middle East Region

2017 ◽  
pp. 69-77
Author(s):  
A. A. Kuznetsov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
East Region ◽  
Arab Politics ◽  
External Actors ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
The U.S

The paper deals with the phenomenon of the Qatari-Saudi rivalry in the Middle East in the context of dissimilarities between political programs and aspirations of the two states in the Middle East.The following research undertakings are realized in the article:• an explanation of the reasons of Qatar and the Saudi Kingdom’s domination in the Arab politics of the last 15 years;• an analysis of the Qatari foreign policy and the regional geopolitical agenda of Qatar;• an inquiry into the reasons and driving forces of the Saudi-Qatari conflict;• a study of the external actors’ influence on the Saudi-Qatari conflict, taking into account the changers in the U.S. foreign policy;• investigation of the different political strategies of the Saudi Arabia and UAE in Yemen which may lead to disintegration of this country.The author emphasizes four main reasons for the Saudi-Qatari rivalry: support by the Qatari leadership of the international movement Muslim Brotherhood; tribal rivalry among the families of al-Saud and al-Thani; struggle for the ideological heritage of Muhammad Abdel Wahhab; different approaches to Iran, and its role in the region.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Adham Saouli
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International System ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
East Region ◽  
Regional Dynamics ◽  
Core Questions ◽  
Middle Powers ◽  
Middle East Region

The concept of and approaches to “middlepowerhood” have been key to explaining the identity, behavior, and foreign policy roles of many states (such as the United Kingdom, France, Australia, or Brazil) in the international system. However, with the exception of a few studies, this literature has failed to examine cases from the Middle East, despite the theoretical and empirical potential that regional dynamics offer for such an examination. Only a few studies have utilized the concept to understand or explain the behavior of regional actors. This volume addresses this major gap, by offering several contributions that interrogate the conceptual, theoretical and empirical underpinnings of the concept of “middle power” or “middlepowerhood” by examining several cases from the Middle East region. The volume raises several core questions. Namely, what is a middle power, and what does it mean to be a middle power in the Middle East? What drives middle power behavior? Is it the identity, material attributes or position of a state in regional and international orders? Should we focus on the behavior or attributes of states to determine whether they fit the category of middlepowerhood? Empirically, why do some regional actors aspire to be middle powers, while others refrain from doing so? What induces or constrains the behavior of middle powers?

Deepening Saudi-Emirati cooperation may be divisive

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Inaugural Meeting ◽  
East Region ◽  
Middle East Region

Subject Saudi-Emirati strategic partnership. Significance The United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia are accelerating their strategic partnership. On June 6 they held the inaugural meeting of the Saudi-Emirati Coordination Council (SECC), signalling increased assertiveness and a deliberate turning-away from the wider Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The partnership has become pivotal for the region but has delivered mixed results. Impacts The new SECC will eclipse the troubled GCC as the driver of Gulf policies and may deter US efforts to convene a GCC summit in September. Excluded Kuwait and Oman may look for other regional ties, as they face increasing pressure from the Saudi-Emirati duo. The two countries’coordination against Iran will define long-term alliances in the Middle East region.

Malaysia’s Relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran: Juggling the Interests

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd Fauzi Abu–Hussin ◽  
Asmady Idris ◽  
Mohd Afandi Salleh
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Economic Relationships ◽  
East Region ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Middle East Region

The Middle East region, especially the oil-rich Arab economies, is regarded as one of Malaysia’s important economic and trading partners. Economic and political changes at the global and regional level have simultaneously shifted Malaysia’s interests in the region. At the same time, there has also been rising interest from countries in the region to expand their economic relationships with Malaysia. Apart from the United Arab Emirates, which is Malaysia’s largest trading partner in the Middle East region, Saudi Arabia and Iran are now becoming more visible for their contributions toward the Malaysian economy. Economic interest certainly is the main driving force behind the latter’s efforts to enhance its connection with these countries. Efforts to reap economic benefit from these countries and to attract petro-dollar investments would also have negative consequences on Malaysia’s domestic, social, and religious affairs due to an influx of Arab and Iranian people coming into the country. Religious extremism and sectarianism are among the challenges that Malaysia is encountering and the authorities are quite critical of those ideologies, and over the years, the teaching of Wahhabism and Shiism have been banned in the country. Could this affect Malaysia’s connection with those countries in the Persian Gulf? How has the government engaged with these local issues without jeopardizing its economic inter-connection with Saudi Arabia and Iran? Given that they are two contrasting countries, how has Malaysia balanced its relationships with these two states?

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